Accumulation by Dispossession and Its Limits: The Southern Africa Paradigm Revisited

The dispossession of agricultural producers from the land has long been considered a condition of successful capitalist development. The main contention of this paper is that such dispossession has in fact become the source of major developmental handicaps for at least some and possibly many countries of the global South. We develop our argument by focusing on the South(ern) African experience as a paradigmatic outlier case of accumulation by dispossession—that is, as one of its extreme instances capable of highlighting in almost ideo-typical fashion its nature and limits. After reconstructing interpretations of capitalist development in Southern Africa that in the early 1970s established the region as a paradigm of accumulation by dispossession, we discuss how useful these interpretations are for understanding the more recent developmental trajectory of South Africa. We then suggest ways in which these interpretations from the 1970s should be reformulated in light of subsequent developments. We conclude by briefly examining the theoretical and policy implications of the analysis.     

From one participant cohort to another: Surveying inter-generational political incubation in an Indian University

Several recent studies propose that political choices of Indian youth can hardly be distinguished from those of their parents in many respects. Contrary to this well-established understanding, this article shows that when set apart from the spheres of family and work, students in a flagship Indian university—mostly in the social sciences and humanities—gradually transform their political attitudes in light of prolonged exposure to a campus environment. Through combining ethnographic study with the analysis of a survey of political attitudes of Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) students, we show that time spent in situ fosters participation to political activities, increases chances of joining a student organization and make students more likely to identify themselves as politically radical. The class and caste background of students, on the other hand, are not strongly associated with political attitudes, showing the integrative nature of politicization on the JNU campus.     

Labour supplies in historical perspective: A study of the proletarianization of the African peasantry in Rhodesia

The article attempts to show that W. A. Lewis's model of economic development with ‘unlimited’ supplies of labour has a far more limited application to the Rhodesian experience of capitalist development than W. J. Barber has assumed. ‘Unlimited’ supplies of labour were to a large extent the result of a process of ‘primary accumulation’ in which political rather than market mechanisms predominated and through which the gap between labour productivities in the peasant and capitalist sectors was progressively widened.

Thereafter, supplies of labour did become ‘unlimited’ and, for a period of about two decades, the Rhodesian economy displayed the main features of the Lewis model. However, owing to structural changes initiated by World War II (growing dominance of the economy by foreign oligopolies, development of a manufacturing industry, growing ‘superiority’ of capital intensive techniques, etc.), Lewis's assumption that investible surpluses are reinvested in loco so as to ‘widen’ capital ceased to be valid in the post‐war period.

Barber's failure to understand the real nature of capitalist development in Rhodesia is attributed to the general antihistorical bias of modern economics.     

United States' electricity imports from Quebec and the fair trade issue

Abstract: Hydro-Québec's energy exports to neighbouring American electric utilities have increased substantially over the last decade as a result of conditions created by the oil crisis of the seventies. These increases have mostly been in the form of interruptible energy exchanges. Considering prices and costs of production on both sides of the border, the prospects for further growth of firm energy exports to the United States appear to be reasonably good. Some institutional features of electricity production in Quebec may raise concerns about fair trading. These concerns have little foundation, however, when consideration is given to the size of energy imports relative to the American northeast market, the pricing method of Hydro-Québec electricity exports to the United States, and the role played by the National Energy Board in Canada. Sommaire: Les conditions créées par la crise pétrolière des années soixante-dix ont permis à Hydro-Québec d'accroître de façon significative ses exportations aux services d'électricité américains. Cette croissance a pris la forme, en grande partie, de ventes d'énergie interruptible. Compte tenu des prix et des coûts de production actuels de chaque côdé la frontière, il serait raisonnable de s'attendre à une croissance des exportations d'énergie ferme aux États-Unis. Quelques caractéristiques institutionnelles de la production de l'électricité au Québec pourraient par contre soulever des inquiétudes quant au commerce équitable. Toutefois, ces inquiétudes apparaissent avoir peu de fondements quand on tient compte de la taille relative de ces exportations vers le marché de la Nouvelle-Angleterre, de la méthode tarifaire employée par Hydro-Québec pour ses exportations américaines et du rôle joué par l'Office national de léenergie du Canada.     

Industrial convergence,globalization, and the persistence of the North-South divide

This article demonstrates empirically that widespread convergence in the degree of industrialization between former First and Third World countries over the past four decades hasnot been associated with convergence in the levels of income enjoyed on average by the residents of these two groups of countries. Our findings contradict the widely made claim that the significance of the North-South divide is diminishing. This contention is based on a false identification of “industrialization” with “development” and “industrialized” with “wealthy”. Elaborating from elements of Joseph Schumpeter’s theory of innovation, Raymond Vernon’s product cycle model, and Pierre Bourdieu’s concept ofillusio, the article offers an explanation for the persistence of the North-South income divide, despite rapid Third World industrialization and despite dramatic changes in the world political-ideological context for development (that is, the shift around 1980 from the “development” project to the “globalization” project or “Washington Consensus”). While emphasizing the long-term stability of the Northern-dominated hierarchy of wealth, the article concludes by pointing to several contemporary processes that may destabilize not only the “globalization project”, but also the global hierarchy of wealth that has characterized historical capitalism. Giovanni Arrighi is professor of sociology at The Johns Hopkins University. His latest books areThe Long Twentieth Century: Money, Power and the Origins of Our Times (1994) and (with Beverly J. Silver et al.)Chaos and Governance in the Modern World System (1999). Beverly J. Silver is professor of sociology at The Johns Hopkins University. She is the author ofForces of Labor: Workers’ Movements and Globalization Since 1870 (2003) and co-author (with Giovanni Arrighi et al.) ofChaos and Governance in the Modern World System (1999). Benjamin D. Brewer is a graduate student in the Department of Sociology at The Johns Hopkins University. His dissertation is a commodity chains analysis of the professional-sport economy. He has also published articles on sport and globalization. Previous versions of this paper were presented at the American Sociological Association Meeting, Anaheim, August 2001; Lingnan University, Hong Kong, May 2001; the Graduate School, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, May 2001; the Annual Convention of the International Studies Association, Chicago, February 2001; the Center for International Studies, University of Southern California, November 2000; the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington D.C., September 2000; the Universidad Nacional Pedro Henriquez Urena, Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic, March 2000; and at the Conference on Ethics and Globalization, Yale University, April 2000. We benefited greatly from the comments of Hayward Alker, Charles Beitz, Peter Evans, Walter Goldfrank, Michael Mann, David Smith, Ann Tickner, and two anonymous reviewers forSCID.     

Aesthetic self-medication: Bob Flanagan and Sheree Rose's structures of breathing

This essay tracks adaptations to corporeal transformations in breathing in the performance art and life writing of Bob Flanagan (1952–1996) and Sheree Rose (b. 1941). It chronicles how breathing as an aesthetic strategy gets entangled with breathing as an exceptional or ordinary effect of disability over the course—and, in Rose's case, in the aftermath—of Flanagan's cystic fibrosis. The term “aesthetic self-medication” describes the process through which breathing is induced as an aesthetic form, and its patterns and rhythms transcribed and dramatized, in order to stage minimally coherent self-encounters amidst crisis. As Flanagan's chronic illness worsens and the couple's sadomasochistic dynamic no longer manages chronic pain, aesthetic self-medication structures laboured breathing into new genres of, or affective and libidinal relations to, pain, including boredom and musical humour.     

“Keeping Pandora's (ballot) box half-shut”: a comparative inquiry into the institutional limits of external voting in EU Member States

The article compares the institutional constraints that limit the potential electoral impact of external voting in national legislative elections in the 28 Member States of the European Union (EU). It shows that the discrepancy between policy aims and outcomes can be mainly attributed to a variety of institutional constraints restricting the scope of the policy (through residence and professional qualifications); limiting eligible voters’ access to the ballot (through cumbersome registration procedures and voting methods); and reducing the electoral weight attributed to their votes (through distinct modes of representation). It argues that the discrepancy is at least partly the result of a combination of electoral and normative concerns about the influence that external voters could and should have in elections. Institutional restrictions on the franchise of external citizens may be interpreted as a way to keep the “Pandora's box” of unexpected electoral consequences half-shut, by extending the suffrage to a traditionally excluded electorate while at the same time moderating the implications.