全文获取类型
收费全文 | 411篇 |
免费 | 19篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 36篇 |
工人农民 | 23篇 |
世界政治 | 48篇 |
外交国际关系 | 24篇 |
法律 | 175篇 |
中国政治 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 121篇 |
综合类 | 2篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 3篇 |
2020年 | 13篇 |
2019年 | 10篇 |
2018年 | 21篇 |
2017年 | 13篇 |
2016年 | 14篇 |
2015年 | 10篇 |
2014年 | 13篇 |
2013年 | 74篇 |
2012年 | 36篇 |
2011年 | 22篇 |
2010年 | 10篇 |
2009年 | 16篇 |
2008年 | 24篇 |
2007年 | 23篇 |
2006年 | 12篇 |
2005年 | 13篇 |
2004年 | 4篇 |
2003年 | 12篇 |
2002年 | 8篇 |
2001年 | 9篇 |
2000年 | 11篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 7篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 4篇 |
1994年 | 4篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 6篇 |
1990年 | 3篇 |
1989年 | 3篇 |
1988年 | 2篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 2篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 2篇 |
1974年 | 2篇 |
1973年 | 2篇 |
1970年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有430条查询结果,搜索用时 421 毫秒
1.
Susanne Hofmann 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2020,39(Z1):47-51
This article argues that whilst indigenous people are central to the Mexican president's official developmentalist discourse of bringing prosperity to the country's marginalised and poor, their needs during the COVID-19 pandemic have not been met and their interests have been sidelined. Whilst experiencing serious loss of trading revenue, negative impacts of misinformation, and lack of access to appropriate healthcare, indigenous Mexicans also faced the aggressive advance on their territories of large-scale infrastructure projects, which have become the backbone of the president's strategy for countering the economic recession caused by the pandemic. The discontinuation of relevant legal means to challenge the advance of the megaprojects during the pandemic effectively threatened indigenous people's democratic rights to protect their land, identities and way of life. 相似文献
2.
Using the 2017 post-election German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES), this article examines the voters for the Alternative for Germany (AfD) in the 2017 German federal election. We show that AfD voters in 2017 were truly ‘flesh of the same flesh’ of the mainstream German political parties, with the AfD drawing its voters from across the political party spectrum as well as from previous non-voters in 2013. In contrast to previous scholarship, we find that in most respects AfD voters in 2017 did not differ demographically from voters for all other parties, be that in terms of gender, education, employment status, and union membership. Furthermore, we find that AfD voters were not driven by anxiety about their own economic situation: they are no ‘losers of globalisation.’ Instead, AfD voters in 2017 were driven solely by two factors: their attitudes towards immigrants/refugees and anti-establishment sentiment/satisfaction with democracy in Germany. 相似文献
3.
Bjorn G. Hansen Mark Blainey 《Review of European Community & International Environmental Law》2006,15(3):270-280
The EU has regulated chemicals since the late 1960s using both general and sectoral legislation, and exposure-based, hazard-based and risk-based decisions. A new proposal from the European Commission – on the Registration, Evaluation and Authorization of Chemicals (REACH) – will build on the experiences of the existing legislation and introduce some new concepts in the management of chemicals. This article is aimed at assessing the current chemical control mechanisms in the EU and those put forward in REACH to demonstrate how REACH is a new paradigm in chemicals management. REACH will carry forward today's experience and approach to the management of chemicals in the EU and introduces some novel aspects, such as utilizing market-based mechanisms and putting into operation the 'substitution principle'. 相似文献
4.
5.
On the basis of the uncertainty management model, we argue here that when people are uncertain about an organization's trustworthiness, they may resolve the question how they should react toward the organization by relying on their perceptions of the organization's procedures. As a consequence, we predicted that the reactions of parents whose child was in a day care center would be strongly influenced by their perceptions of the procedures used by the organization that was responsible for their children's day care when the parents would be uncertain about the organization's trustworthiness. However, when parents would be certain that the organization could be trusted they would be less in need of procedural information, yielding less strong effects of perceived procedure on parents' reactions. The findings of a survey study corroborate this line of reasoning. In the discussion it is argued that these findings suggest that people especially rely on their perceptions of procedures when they are uncertain about important aspects of their lives, such as the trustworthiness of organizations that are responsible for their children's day care. 相似文献
6.
Susanne Walther 《Crime, Law and Social Change》1994,21(1):1-13
Today Europe is faced increasingly with the phenomenon of organized crime, creating problems similar to those the United States faced as early as a decade ago. American forfeiture and money laundering laws provide the state with sweeping powers for use in its efforts to combat organized crime. Although study of these instruments might inspire European lawmakers to adopt similar ones, the instruments themselves carry a societal price tag that cannot be ignored. Classical principles limiting the reach of the criminal law (and the powers of its enforcement apparatus) and in a broader sense the liberal concept of the fragmentary nature of the criminal law have largely been abandoned by lawmakers in the area of organized crime. Thus, modern American forfeiture and money laundering laws have lowered the standards of protection against state intrusion into citizens' basic rights despite the lack of sufficient empirical proof that their investigative and punitive powers are efficient in skimming profits and deterring further crime. 相似文献
7.
8.
9.
10.
Declining levels of turnout are a problem in European elections. Are Get Out The Vote campaigns the solution to the problem? While many studies have investigated such campaigns in the US, little is known about their effect in Europe. The article presents a field experiment in which encouragement to vote in an upcoming Danish election is delivered to more than 60,000 first-time voters using direct personal letters. Eight different letters are designed, based on the calculus of voting and prospect theory. The sample is randomly divided into treatment groups or the control group. Using validated turnout, small positive effects of receiving a letter on turnout are found, with little difference across letters. The letters mostly mobilised voters with a low propensity to vote and thus increased equality in participation. In sum, while letters have some effect, they are not likely to be a panacea for solving Europe’s turnout challenges. 相似文献