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Use of acids and other caustic substances in destroying the human body to avoid personal identification is drawing great deal of attention in recent times. With rapid industrial growth, incidence of industrial disasters has increased. In an event of chemical industry disaster, human identification can become a challenge. Embedding bar codes and other electronic means for identification in denture have proved to be a novel innovation in identification of edentulous patients. However, the validity of this method in events of chemical extremes has not been assessed. Hence, the study was undertaken to know the effect of different acids on dentures embedded with quick response codes. Results of this study indicate that simple bar code can be readable up to 33 h after acid treatment. With minimal armamentarium, bar code can be generated incorporating large data into it, providing it to be a cheap and reliable means of denture identification.  相似文献   
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What happens when the ‘international’ as a distinct social space is approached from the perspective of war rather than war from the perspective of the ‘international’? Tarak Barkawi's question (Millennium, 39:3, 2011, 701–706) is best answered by attempts to understand war not as part of inter/intra-state relations but as a socio-cultural, trans-historical institution that impacts on the ‘everyday’ lives of men, women and children. In this article I argue that war is not a disruption of the ‘everyday’, an abstraction that has a definite beginning and end, something we enter into and exit. Instead, it can be captured in daily and mundane lived experiences of people and in powerful emotions that constitute ‘self’, community and the ‘other.’ Drawing upon my research on wars in South Asia, I particularly reflect on how war shapes the banal and the fervent and how cultural and political narratives of ‘war bodies’ perform the ‘international’ in a variety of ways. Most significantly I want to draw attention to how international relations as a scholarly discipline is so deeply engaged with war and yet seems to have an estranged relationship with it.  相似文献   
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International laws such as The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) promise a universal system of rights to varied people in varied places. In many Pacific states this has been translated to mean that women should have the same privileges as men to control, possess and use land. This could not be further from the truth as evidenced by women’s experiences in Vanuatu, which bring home the visible and invisible spaces of international law. The insights of legal geographers into the spatialised dimensions of social, political and economic activities, together with those of feminist legal scholars into the gendered nature of law, are invaluable in understanding how some spaces are prioritized while others are devalued. We rely on these insights to uncover the prioritized legal spaces of Vanuatu and to locate them against the lived-in spaces of Vanuatu’s women. Becoming aware of the multispatiality of law is the first step in contemplating a landscape where justice can play a part.  相似文献   
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This paper presents women's militant activities outside the binary framework of ‘victimhood’ and ‘agency’ and invokes postmodern feminist international relations analyses to engage with women's material and ideological contribution to militant activities and political violence. Women who support and indulge in both discriminate and indiscriminate violence against institutions of the state and unarmed civilians not only redefine notions of nationalism, gender and religious identity, but also highlight their complex and problematic relationship with feminism. To what extent does participating in militant activities and armed combat provide women with opportunities to transcend conventional gender roles? In other words, do they remain the ‘other’ within ‘the other’? How are militant women influenced by these political movements and how do they influence these movements? What happens when the ‘protected’ and ‘upheld’ become the ‘protectors’ and ‘upholders’? How does/should feminist international relations approach these militant women? I attempt to address these questions through a study of women militants and their constructions as gendered political subjects in Kashmir and Sri Lanka.  相似文献   
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While reflective spectrophotometry is an established method for measuring macroscopic hair colour, it can be cumbersome to use on a large number of individuals and not all reflective spectrophotometry instruments are easily portable. This study investigates the use of digital photographs to measure hair colour and compares its use to reflective spectrophotometry. An understanding of the accuracy of colour determination by these methods is of relevance when undertaking specific investigations, such as those on the genetics of hair colour. Measurements of hair colour may also be of assistance in cases where a photograph is the only evidence of hair colour available (e.g. surveillance). Using the CIE L*a*b* colour space, the hair colour of 134 individuals of European ancestry was measured by both reflective spectrophotometry and by digital image analysis (in V++). A moderate correlation was found along all three colour axes, with Pearson correlation coefficients of 0.625, 0.593 and 0.513 for L*, a* and b* respectively (p-values = 0.000), with means being significantly overestimated by digital image analysis for all three colour components (by an average of 33.42, 3.38 and 8.00 for L*, a* and b* respectively). When using digital image data to group individuals into clusters previously determined by reflective spectrophotometric analysis using a discriminant analysis, individuals were classified into the correct clusters 85.8% of the time when there were two clusters. The percentage of cases correctly classified decreases as the number of clusters increases. It is concluded that, although more convenient, hair colour measurement from digital images has limited use in situations requiring accurate and consistent measurements.  相似文献   
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Abstract

This article examines the connected histories of armed tribal and peasant revolts in colonial and postcolonial India with reference to the ongoing Maoist conflict in rural and tribal areas of central and eastern India. The article makes two interrelated arguments about the violent continuities that endure from colonial to postcolonial contexts: (1) the nation-state system, in its efforts to establish control and influence, creates a hierarchy of citizenship engaging in the hostile policing of marginalised subjects, thereby engendering armed revolts and political violence; (2) the postcolonial state’s response to these armed revolts by marginalised subjects who challenge its sovereignty and monopoly over violence, is equally violent and repressive. Most significantly, the state’s response is legitimised in the same colonial idioms and justifications that mark epistemic and physical violence against the third world.  相似文献   
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New York State received $4.5 billion in Community Development Block Grant-Disaster Recovery (CDBG-DR) funds after Superstorm Sandy. A major CDBG-DR requirement is to prioritize assistance to low- and moderate-income (LMI) populations. The state is spending two fifths of funds on community-wide (e.g., infrastructure) recovery activities. For these activities to be documented as LMI, a specified percentage of residents benefiting from them must be LMI. We explore the potential tension between addressing community recovery needs and prioritizing LMI assistance. Specifically, we develop a series of scenarios to estimate the likelihood that any community-wide activities will be documented as LMI in New York State. We find that documenting these activities as LMI is largely dependent on the underlying demographics of disaster-impacted areas. Additionally, as recovery activities increase in size, thereby impacting larger populations, they are less likely to be documented as LMI, potentially disincentivizing larger, more impactful investments. We recommend empirically based LMI targets for CDBG-DR grantees.  相似文献   
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正When the annual gatherings of China’stop legislature and its top body of politi-cal advisers, known as the Two Sessions(Lianghui), are held, everyone knows the leaders have to burn the midnight oil to meet public expectations and deliver the goods. However,there’s another tribe that too faces immense pressure—the reporters covering the Two Sessions who have to attend various media events, interview people, and be on call 24x7 till the sessions close. Besides the work itself, there  相似文献   
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