Exploring the Determinants of the Entry and Exit of Ministers in Korea: 1980–2008

The entry and exit of ministers has been of primary interest to students of political science and public management in Western countries. Responding to the lack of research on the entry and exit of ministers in non‐Western countries, this article examined determinants of both the entrance and exit of ministers in Korea from the life cycle point of view based on the Korean Ministerial Database from 1980 to 2008. We argued that as the Korean presidency shifts from an imperialistic to a democratic presidency, ministerial appointments in Korea also seem to shift from an expertise‐focused to a politics‐focused approach. Likewise, the primary resignation reason also shifts from policy failure to political reasons. We also argued that Korean presidents use their power to reshuffle cabinet ministers too often for their political interests. As a result, Korean ministers spend too little time in post; average tenure is now down to about one year. These short terms in office dilute a minister's ability to dictate departmental policy.     

An Empirical Analysis on the Determinants of the Length of Ministerial Tenure in Korea, 1980–2008

ABSTRACT

The study of the length of ministerial tenure has received some attention by scholars of public management in Western countries. Responding to the lack of empirical research on ministerial duration in non-Western countries, this article empirically examines the determinants of ministerial duration based on the Korean Ministerial Database from 1980 to 2008. The empirical findings are as follows. First, being a female minister decreases the probability of stepping down by 1.78 times compared to a male minister. Second, political democratization after 1987 drastically increases the probability of ministerial stepping down by 3.46 times. Third, confirmation hearings after 2005 decrease the probability of ministerial stepping down by 0.53 times. Based on these empirical findings of the analysis, we can identify distinctive characteristics of ministerial duration in Korea. We argue that as the Korean political system shifts from military or authoritarian rule to democratic rule after 1987, a single five-year presidential term may set a political environment for frequent changes of ministers to allocate political spoils.     

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Haplotype diversity in mitochondrial DNA hypervariable region I, II and III in northeast China Han

Sequence polymorphism of the mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) control region, hypervariable regions HVR I, HVR II and HVR III, from 51 unrelated China Han (Yan Bian area) were determined by PCR amplification and cycle sequencing.     

Exploring the forensic use of the emotional recognition test (ERT)

General "hypo-emotionality" has now become a broadly accepted concept as one of the conspicuous psychological characteristics of repetitive, violent offenders. Numerous psychophysiological studies have verified this premise. The current study sought to examine the applicability of the Emotional Recognition Test (ERT) in a sample of 85 Korean inmates in a maximum-security prison. Two additional criterion groups were included for comparison: normal controls and schizophrenic inpatients. Because the ERT consists of problem-solving items, it is relatively free from response biases and is more efficient than measuring physiological responses. Results indicated that all criterion groups scored significantly differently on the ERT total and subscale scores. Additionally, similar to the physiological emotion-specific findings, emotion-specific subscales of the ERT indicated that offenders had significantly more difficulty in recognizing negative emotional stimuli, particularly sadness.     

Allele frequencies and genetic data of 16 highly polymorphic loci in Koreans

Allele and genotype frequencies for the 15 STR loci (FGA, vWA, MBP-L, MBP-H, HumTh01, D3S1358, D3S2406, D5S818, D7S820, D8S1179, D13S317, D18S51, D19S253, and D21S11) and two VNTR loci (D1S80 and D17S5) in a sample of unrelated Koreans were determined.     

Economic Effects of State‐Level Tax and Expenditure Limitations

As a result of devolution, state governments have taken on greater responsibility for financing and providing public services. Increasingly, states have adopted state‐level tax and expenditure limitations (TELs) to manage the growth and size of state budgets. The adoption of TELs is supported by claims that they have a positive effect on state economies, although such claims lack empirical evidence and have been contested by several scholars. Despite the ongoing debate about validating the actual economic effects of state‐level TELs, there is a lack of empirical assessments of their effects. The empirical results of this article indicate that the presence of state‐level TELs has a negative effect on the level of employment but no effect on the state's personal income per capita. The presence of state‐level TELs has no effect on either the growth of personal income per capita or the growth of employment.     

Branding K-REDD+ and its implications for South Korea's middle power diplomacy

ABSTRACT

The need for new and stronger middle power diplomacy is growing as global challenges are increasingly governed by various horizontal inter- and trans-national networks. Climate change is one of the most complex and urgent global challenges that require collective action, and it is an issue for which more middle power leadership is greatly needed. The Republic of Korea (ROK) has been successful in becoming a primary actor in green growth governance, and its success has been attributed to its strategic middlepowermanship, integrating both material and ideational contents. Reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation (REDD+) in tropical developing countries has been lauded as an immediate and effective solution to mitigate climate change. ROK's unique history of forest transition before rapid economic growth highlights the fact that improving forest management is possible even with imperfect governance, rapid population growth, and low economic development. The lessons learned from ROK's forest transition can be developed as a distinct contribution to the international effort to address forest-related impacts on climate change, and offer an important opportunity for ROK to play a constructive role and achieve enhanced stature within the international community.     

Why Japan and Russia have failed to solve the territorial dispute: the 1956 Joint Declaration and the mechanism of political coherence

Despite the several chances of agreement, Japan and Russia have failed to solve the dispute over the Northern Territories/South Kuril Islands. The 1956 model seems to be the most plausible method, but the lack of political coherence of the central politics and the will of negotiation became the factors that hinder the two countries from reaching an agreement. By reviewing the conflicting footprints and strategies of the two countries, the authors argue that the more democratized and diffused a political system is, the more difficult it is to come to an agreement in negotiations. This intensifies the existing theory of foreign policy decision-making process emphasizing the influence of domestic constituents.