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Evaluation of the Postmortem Glucose and Glycogen Levels in Hepatic,Renal, Muscle,and Brain Tissues: Is It Possible to Estimate Postmortem Interval Using These Parameters? 下载免费PDF全文
Alper Gümüş M.D. Burak Gümüş M.D. Erdal Özer M.D. Esma Yücetaş M.D. Uğur Yücetaş M.D. Emin Düz M.D. Soner Sarı M.D. Macit Koldaş M.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2016,61(Z1):S144-S149
The aim of our study was to investigate the postmortem levels of glucose and glycogen in hepatic, renal, muscle, and brain tissues and then examine the changes in those levels that could be useful for estimating postmortem interval. We established an animal model. Seventy female BALB/c albino mice were used in this study. After being sacrificed, the mice were randomly divided into six groups according to time elapsed since death (Group 1: 0 h; Group 2: 12 h; Group 3: 24 h; Group 4: 36 h; Group 5: 48 h; and Group 6: 60 h). Glucose levels were significantly different between groups for all tissues studied. Slope of the change per unit time was higher for the hepatic glucose levels. Based on these results, it is possible to estimate postmortem interval using postmortem glucose levels in hepatic tissue. Tissue‐specific assessment may contribute valuable information to postmortem interval studies. 相似文献
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Alper Adnan Dagistan Sakir Gica Adem Aydin Ali Savas Cilli 《Journal of forensic sciences》2022,67(1):289-296
The aim of the current study was to determine the prevalence of probable attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) in prisoners and to assess the relationship between ADHD and recidivism. We studied 356 inmates, who were evaluated using the Wender Utah Rating Scale and Adult ADHD Self-Report Scale. Type of crime and other crime-related data were compared between inmates with and without ADHD. The group with probable ADHD had a higher average number of convictions compared to the group without ADHD. The probable ADHD group also demonstrated higher incidence of extortion crime, drug trade, disciplinary action at school, and military service than the group without ADHD. Linear regression analysis revealed that the presence of probable ADHD was effective on the number of convictions. The findings of our study support that the presence of probable ADHD carries a potential risk of being prone to certain crimes and demonstrate a correlation between the presence of probable ADHD and early involvement in crime and the number of convictions. 相似文献
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Randy Gainey Mariel Alper Allison T. Chappell 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》2011,36(2):120-137
Fear of crime has long been considered a significant social problem, spurring decades of academic research and leading to
a variety of policy initiatives. Building on prior research, this study investigated the direct and indirect effects of demographic
characteristics, social and physical disorder, and prior victimization on fear of crime. Further, it assessed the direct and
indirect effects of perceived risk on fear. Finally, the research examined the extent to which social capital mediated the
impact of these variables on fear. Using data from a survey of residents in a southeastern city, analyses reveal that victimization
and disorder significantly predict fear of crime, and that risk perception and social capital mediate the relationship between
disorder and victimization on fear. Further, structural equation models show a number of interesting indirect effects. Policy
implications and directions for future research are discussed. 相似文献
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Aysun Baransel Isir M.D. ; Alper Ibrahim Dai M.D. ; Muradiye Nacak M.D. ; Senay Gorucu Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2010,55(1):225-228
Abstract: Little is known about criminality of cognitively impaired people and also there have been no reports on the relationship between catechol- O -methyl transferase (COMT) and committed Mental Retardation (MR) subjects. In the present study, the association between committed (violent offences) MR subjects and genetic variants of COMT were investigated by using polymerase chain reaction and based restriction fragment length polymorphism methods. During 6 years of follow-up, 36 violent offenders with mild MR were investigated. Thirty-six control volunteers were included in the study as a control group. H/L polymorphism of the COMT gene was investigated in these two groups. In conclusion, the COMT gene genotype distribution and allele frequency is not significantly different between the two groups ( p > 0.05). This result suggests that the H/L polymorphism of the COMT gene does not show an association with the potential of "commits-violent offense" of Turkish subjects with mental retardation, compared with control group. 相似文献
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ABSTRACTAs of today, a highly mobilized Kurdish diaspora and its most prominent representative, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), has become so influential in the European political arena that it might tip the balance of the European Union’s policies on Turkey in its favor. Since too much attention has been given to the PKK’s activities in Germany, the organization’s actions in Britain remain understudied, despite the fact that Britain has been a vital place in Kurdish politics and political lobbying activities. Drawing on fieldwork findings, this article attempts to explore both the evolution and the political activities of the PKK in Britain across three different timeframes, from 1984 until the present time. Our findings suggest that in Britain, the PKK has departed in recent years from its conventional terrorist activities and transformed into a lobbying power that is likely to gain full legitimacy (i.e., being de-listed from terrorist organization lists) in the near future. 相似文献
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Alper Kaliber 《South European society & politics》2016,21(1):59-74
AbstractThis study discusses the dynamics of de-Europeanisation and the changing impact of Europe on the politically mobilised civil society involved in the public debates concerning Turkey’s Kurdish question. The article first critically assesses how and in what ways the legal and constitutional reforms on the freedom of assembly required by the European Union (EU) changed the political structure in which civil society organisations (CSOs) operate in Turkey. It then examines the views of CSOs on the potential roles and limitations of the EU in the Kurdish question and the peace process which lasted between March 2013 and July 2015. It also delineates the reasons why the political context of Europeanisation is not seen as instrumental by these CSOs to framing and justifying their arguments. 相似文献