'Tangential Relation' criterion clears way for infringement of amended patent claim under doctrine of equivalents

Prosecution history estoppel generally bars patent infringementunder the doctrine of equivalents when a claim is narrowed byamendment during examination, but the ‘tangential relation’criterion preserves that doctrine when the claim is narrowedin a manner unrelated to the particular equivalent which, itis alleged, infringes the patent.     

Reviews

R. W. Davies, ed., From Tsarism to the New Economic Policy. Continuity and Change in the Economy of the USSR. London and Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1990, xx + 417 pp., £45.00.

Alastair McAuley, ed., Soviet Federalism, Nationalism and Economic Decentralisation. Leicester and London: Leicester University Press, 1991, ix + 214pp., £38.00.

Loren Graham, ed., Science and the Soviet Social Order. Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 1990, ix + 443 pp., £27.95.

Ronald I. McKinnon, The Order of Economic Liberalization: Financial Control in the Transition to a Market Economy. Baltimore, MD, and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991. xii + 200 pp., £20.00. $32.00.

Mary McAuley, Bread and Justice: State and Society in Petrograd 1917–1922. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991, xviii + 461 pp., £45.00.

David Armstrong & Erik Goldstein, eds, The End of the Cold War. London: Frank Cass & Co Ltd, 1990. 216pp., £19.50.

Paul B. Stephan III & Boris M. Klimenko, eds, International Law and International Security: Military and Political Dimensions. A US‐Soviet Dialogue. Armonk, NY, and London: M. E. Sharpe, Inc., 1991, xxii + 362 pp., $90.00.

Richard F. Staar, Foreign Policies of the Soviet Union. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 1991, xl + 352 pp., £14.95 p/b.

Robert O. Freedman, Moscow and the Middle East: Soviet Policy Since the Invasion of Afghanistan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991, xi + 426 pp., £35.00 h/b, £14.95 p/b.

Galia Golan, Soviet Policies in The Middle East: From World War II to Gorbachev. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990, ix + 319 pp., £27.50 h/b, £10.95 p/b.

Brian McNair, Glasnost, Perestroika and the Soviet Media. London and New York: Routledge, 1991, x + 231 pp., £35.00.

Shams Ud Din, ed, Perestroika and the Nationality Question in the USSR. New Delhi: Vikas, 1991, xv + 145 pp., £15.95.

Ronald J. Hill & Jan Zielonka, eds, Restructuring Eastern Europe: Towards a New European Order. Aldershot: Edward Elgar, 1990, ix + 226 pp., £28.50.

Aleksa Djilas, The Contested Country: Yugoslav Unity and Communist Revolution 1919–1953. London: Harvard University Press, 1991, v + 259 pp., £27.95 h/b.

Bartlomiej Kamiriski, The Collapse of State Socialism: the Case of Poland. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991, xiv + 264 pp., $39.50 h/b, $14.95 p/b.

David Ost, Solidarity and the Politics of Anti‐Politics. Opposition and Reform in Poland since 1968. Philadelphia, PA: Temple UP, 1990, xi + 279 pp. $34.95.

Roman Laba, The Roots of Solidarity—A Political Sociology of Working Class Democratisation. Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 1991, xii + 247 pp., $24.95.

Keith Sword, ed, The Soviet Takeover of the Polish Eastern Provinces, 1939–41. London: Macmillan (in association with the School of Slavonic and East European Studies), 1991, xxiii + 318 pp., £45.00.

William B. Husband, Revolution in the Factory: The Birth of Soviet Textile Industry, 1917–20. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990, viii + 227 pp. £25.00.     

Reviews

Aleksei Ulyukaev, Reforming the Russian Economy 1991–1995. London: The Centre for Research into Post‐Communist Economies, 1996, x + 138 pp., £9.95.

Joseph R. Blasi, Maya Kroumova & Douglas Kruse, Kremlin Capitalism. Privatizing the Russian Economy. Ithaca: ILR Press/Cornell University Press, 1997, xix + 249 pp., $16.95.

Grigory Ioffe & Tatyana Nefedova, Continuity and Change in Rural Russia: A Geographical Perspective. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1997, ix + 315 pp., $59.95 h/b.

Patrick Artisien‐Maksimenko & Yuri Adjubei (eds), Foreign Investment in Russia and Other Soviet Successor States. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996, xxi + 277 pp., £45.00.

Kazimierz Poznanski, Poland's Protracted Transition. Institutional Change and Economic Growth 1970–1994. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996, xl + 337 pp., £50.00 h/b, £16.96 p/b.

Padraic Kenney, Rebuilding Poland: Workers and Communists 1945–1950. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996, xx + 360 pp., £31.50.

Minton F. Goldman, Revolution and Change in Central and Eastern Europe: Political, Economic and Social Changes. New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1997, xiv + 497 pp., $32.95.

Jeffrey T. Checkel, Ideas and International Political Change. Soviet/Russian Behavior and the End of the Cold War. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997, xiv + 191 pp., £18.00.

Roger E. Kanet & Alexander V. Kozhemiakin (eds), The Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation. London: Macmillan, 1997, xii + 208 pp., £40.00.

Vladimir Baranovsky (ed.), Russia and Europe: The Emerging Security Agenda. Oxford: Oxford University Press/Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 1997, xviii + 582 pp., £45.00.

Walter L. Hixson, Parting the Curtain: Propaganda, Culture, and the Cold War, 1945–1961. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997, xvi + 283 pp., £45.00 h/b, £16.99 p/b.

Kevin McDermott & Jeremy Agnew, The Comintern: A History of International Communism from Lenin to Stalin. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996, xxv + 304 pp., £13.99.

Geoffrey Hosking, Russia: People and Empire, 1552–1917. London: HarperCollins, 1997, xxviii + 548 pp., £20.00.

John P. LeDonne, The Russian Empire and the World, 1700–1917: The Geopolitics of Expansion and Containment. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997, xxii + 394 pp., £19.99.

E. A. Rees (ed.), Decision‐making in the Stalinist Command Economy, 1932–37. London: Macmillan, 1997, xv + 331 pp., £40.00.

James Hughes, Stalinism in a Russian Province: Collectivization and Dekulakization in Siberia. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996, xi + 271 pp., £45.00.

Jonathan D. Smele, Civil War in Siberia. The Anti‐Bolshevik Government of Admiral Kolchak 1918–20. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996, xix + 759 pp., £50.00.

G. A. Bordyugov (ed.), Istoricheskie issledovaniya v Rossii: tendentsii poslednikh let. Moscow: AIRO‐XX, 1996, 464 pp.

Peter Waldron, The End of Imperial Russia, 1855–1917. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997, viii + 189 pp., £37.50 h/b, £11.99 p/b.

Catherine Evtuhov, The Cross and the Sickle. Sergei Bulgakov and the Fate of Russian Religious Philosophy, 1890–1920. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997, x + 278 pp., £33.50.     

An insurer's perspective on reform

Individual health insurance markets differ from state to state, and as a result approaches to individual market reforms need to be different. In evaluating approaches, policy makers need to remember that since the decision to purchase health insurance coverage is voluntary, the potential for adverse selection exists. In addition, rather than putting the focus of individual market reforms almost exclusively on access to health insurance for a small number of persons with high-cost health conditions, more attention needs to be put on how to decrease the number of uninsured persons. This includes making the premiums paid for individual health insurance 100 percent tax deductible, similar to those of employer-based health insurance. Finally, market reforms need to treat all types of coverage issued in the individual market the same, whether they are purchased direct for the insurer or through an out-of-state association.     

The Intergenerational Transmission of Values in National and Immigrant Families: The Role of Zeitgeist

Correspondence in value orientation between parents and their offspring may be due to actual transmission processes between generations, but it may also be due to influences from the general value context in society that are common to parents and their offspring. This common value context is referred to as Zeitgeist. The present study deals with one family relationship value (i.e., parents’ and adolescents’ obligations toward the family). Participants were 1,252 immigrant and 726 national adolescent–parent dyads from 10 Western countries. There were significant relationships between the value placed on family obligations among parents and offspring, and these were independent of gender. Zeitgeist effects, both intergenerational and intragenerational, were found. The strength of these Zeitgeist effects depended on the basis for defining Zeitgeist, either a person’s own ethnic group or the wider community including both nationals and immigrants. For explaining national adolescents’ acceptance of their family obligations, both the ethnic and the national Zeitgeist played a role, whereas in the immigrant groups only the ethnic Zeitgeist played a significant role. In short, in an immigration context it makes sense to distinguish the influence of a person’s own ethnic group from the influence of the wider community, including other ethnic groups. Explanations are suggested and implications are discussed.

Silent citizenship among Asian Americans and Latinos: opting out or left out?

In his classic study, Who Governs?, Robert Dahl interpreted the patterns of political assimilation of ‘white ethnic’ immigrants and their children during the mid-twentieth century as a hopeful sign of the potential of democratic pluralism in the USA. While acknowledging that immigrant groups faced discrimination and structural barriers that might lead them to be silent, Dahl predicted that social mobility and assimilation would eventually erase these deficits in political participation among immigrants. Building from Dahl's analysis, we investigate the extent to which pluralism in the USA can and does work the same way for immigrants who are also racial minorities. We highlight factors that can lead these groups to become silent citizens, including lack of legal status, lower levels of political mobilization by institutions, and discrimination as structural impediments to minority participation. Our findings suggest that both resources as well as structural impediments structure the political behavior of Asian Americans and Latinos, determining whether they are vocal citizens or silent citizens.     

Cost and the calculus of voting

Downs's (1957) theory of voting maintains that individuals balance the costs of voting against anticipated benefits in deciding whether to vote. However, most empirical tests of his theory have concluded that costs play little role in individuals' decisions to vote or abstain, and that benefits are the determining factor. Unfortunately, the existing empirical tests of the theory have been inadequate, especially in regard to the measurement of the cost of voting. Using data from the Comparative State Elections Project, we develop an improved indicator of the cost of voting. When this measure of cost is used in a test of Down's theory, we find, contrary to most earlier research, that the cost of voting seems to be a more important determinant of participation than the factors associated with voting benefits in Downs's model.The authors shared equally in the research reported; the order in which they are listed was determined randomly.     

The oil lobby and the energy crisis

Abstract. The energy crisis has produced a confrontation between the federal government and the Canadian oil industry which has significantly reduced the latter's autonomy. This article postulates three hypotheses, which are then explored in the context of the energy crisis: that pressure group influence declines during a crisis situation; that if the crisis necessitates federal-provincial negotiation this tendency is accentuated; and that when facing a serious threat from government action the group under attack will seek to exert its influence as widely as possible. The article goes on to examine the oil industry's various channels of influence — the Senate, the Alberta Conservative caucus, the Alberta Liberal party, informal contacts with Alberta politicians, the Technical Advisory Committee on Petroleum Supply and Demand, and others and concludes that these were inadequate for serving the industry's objectives during the crisis. The speed at which events unfolded during the crisis and the consumer concern that arose led the federal government to respond rapidly, with little advance consultation with the industry or the producing provinces. In the federal-provincial Confrontation that ensued, the industry was excluded from a significant decision-making role. It will now seek to exert more public pressure on the federal government, but it must do so within a new set of rules under which the various levels of government will be more intimately involved in its activities. Sommaire. La crise de l'éergie a produit, entre le gouvernement fédéral et l'industrie canadienne du pétrole, une confrontation qui a réduit considérablement l'autonomie de cette dernière. L'auteur de cet exposé propose trois hypothèses qu'il examine ensuite dans le contexte de la crise de l'énergie, à savoir:que l'influence des groupes de pression diminue dans une situation de crise; que cette tendance s'accentue si la wise oblige à des nègociations fédéralesprovinciales et que, face à une menace sérieuse d'intervention gouvernementale, le groupe attaqué. cherche à exercer une influence aussi large que possible. II examine ensuite les différentes voies d'influence de l'industrie du pétrole:le sénat, le caucus conservateur de I'Alberta, le parti libéral de l'Alberta, les contacts officieux avec des liommes politiques de l'Alberta, le comité technique qui s'occupe de l'offre et de la demande de pétrole et d'autres, pour conclure qu'elles étaient insuffisantes pour permettre à l'industrie d'atteindre ses objectifs durant la crise. La rapidité avec laquelle les événements se sont déroulés pendant la crise et la manifestation des craintes des consommateurs entraînérent une réaction rapide de la part du gouvernement fédéral, sans grande consultation préalable avec l'industrie ou les provinces productrices. Dans la confrontation fédéraleprovinciale qui a suivi, l'industrie a été exclue de toute prise de décision importante. Elle va chercher maintenant à exercer des ressions publiques accrues sur le gouvernement fédéral, mais elle doit se confonner aux nouvelles régles du jeu qui impliquent une plus grande ingérence des différents niveaux de gouvernement dans ses activités.