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The sedative-hypnotic benzodiazepine flunitrazepam (FZ) is abused worldwide. The purpose of our study was to investigate violence and anterograde amnesia following intoxication with FZ, and how this was legally evaluated in forensic psychiatric investigations with the objective of drawing some conclusions about the importance of urine sample in a case of a suspected intoxication with FZ. The case was a 23-year-old male university student who, intoxicated with FZ (and possibly with other substances such as diazepam, amphetamines or cannabis), first stabbed an acquaintance and, 2 years later, two friends to death. The police investigation files, including video-typed interviews, the forensic psychiatric files, and also results from the forensic autopsy of the victims, were compared with the information obtained from the case. Only partial recovery from anterograde amnesia was shown during a period of several months. Some important new information is contained in this case report: a forensic analysis of blood sample instead of a urine sample, might lead to confusion during police investigation and forensic psychiatric assessment (FPA) of an FZ abuser, and in consequence wrong legal decisions. FZ, alone or combined with other substances, induces severe violence and is followed by anterograde amnesia. All cases of bizarre, unexpected aggression followed by anterograde amnesia should be assessed for abuse of FZ. A urine sample is needed in case of suspected FZ intoxication. The police need to be more aware of these issues, and they must recognise that they play a crucial role in an assessment procedure. Declaring FZ an illegal drug is strongly recommended.  相似文献   
2.
For almost 20 years now, the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) States Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway have been included in the EU's internal market through the Agreement on the European Economic Area (EEA). The continuing success of the EEA is threatened, however, by an ever widening gap between EU primary law and the still unchanged main part of the EEA Agreement. Unwilling to begin the strenuous work of updating the Agreement, the Contracting Parties place their trust in the ability of the courts to bridge the gap. While it is shown in this article that both the EFTA Court and the Court of Justice of the EU are indeed willing to go far in order to preserve homogeneity between EU law and EEA law, it is argued that there are limits to the courts' ability to remedy the failed updating of the Agreement.  相似文献   
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SO CHUNG 《人权》2012,(3):37-39
On January 27,2012,So Chung,a Tibetan journalist with Lhasa-based Tibet.cn was sent to the hospital due to a hypokalemia attack on his way to take photos in the countryside during the Spring Festival. The hospital he was taken to was the People’s Hospital of northwest China’s Tibet Autonomous Region, where he received effective treatment and careful nursing.  相似文献   
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Dextromethorphan (DXM) is abused most commonly among adolescents as a recreational drug to generate a dissociative experience. The objective of the study was to assess driving with and without DXM ingestion. The effects of one‐time maximum daily doses of DXM 120 mg versus a guaifenesin 400 mg dose were compared among 40 healthy subjects using a crossover design. Subjects’ ability to drive was assessed by their performance in a driving simulator (STISIM® Drive driving simulator software) and by conducting a standardized field sobriety test (SFST) administered 1‐h postdrug administration. The one‐time dose of DXM 120 mg did not demonstrate driving impairment on the STISIM® Drive driving simulator or increase SFST failures compared to guaifenesin 400 mg. Doses greater than the currently recommended maximum daily dose of 120 mg are necessary to perturb driving behavior.  相似文献   
5.
垃圾处理产业的支撑体系包括法律法规与执行标准、经济激励机制、排放权管理和技术服务等内容。建设服务型政府,加强区域规划、战略环评和项目环评,推行垃圾排放权交易,制定产业化科技政策是垃圾处理产业支撑体系急需完善的四个方面。  相似文献   
6.
Staging an open contest is a democratic method to choose a party leader, though its electoral consequences remain unclear. I argue that leadership contests are electorally detrimental to governing parties. Competitive contests signal intraparty policy and/or personality conflict to voters, which damages governing parties’ perceived unity as well as competence in the policy-making process. Thus, leadership contests undermine governing parties’ performances in parliamentary elections. Moreover, since voters evaluate governing parties’ record in office more than their rhetoric, unlike opposition parties, they cannot repair the image of incompetence/disunity by reshaping their rhetoric and/or policy direction. This implies that leadership contests damage governing parties’ electoral prospects more than they do to opposition parties’ electoral performances. Results from statistical testing with original data from 14 countries support my argument. In addition, these results are not endogenous to the contests’ timing; degree of competitiveness; leadership selection rules; whether or not the incumbent retains office; norms of contests; or how predecessors left office. These findings underscore the need to investigate the relationship between intraparty dynamics and election outcomes.  相似文献   
7.
刘江永 《东北亚论坛》2020,(1):113-126,128
2018年以来朝鲜半岛局势和东北亚国际关系发生了一系列重大变化。中国与朝鲜、韩国的关系同时改善并加强。中日关系也重回正常发展的轨道。然而,韩日关系则反复出现各种矛盾和摩擦,持续恶化。21世纪以来,中日关系与韩日关系发展变化往往具有同一种倾向,即中日关系恶化,韩日关系也会倒退;中日关系改善,韩日关系也会回暖。然而,2018年以来,中日关系与韩日关系则出现反常的"逆向发展"倾向。韩、日同中国之间关系有所改善,而韩日之间关系则明显恶化。这种逆向发展现象产生的原因值得关注和研究。本文侧重分析2018年以来韩日关系恶化的成因,并在此基础上对韩日关系前景做以评估。  相似文献   
8.
正FORTY-six-year-old Manzhong Norbusitar is a national inheritor of the intangible cultural heritage of Thangka painting,a traditional Tibetan art form.The fourth generation in a line of Tibetan artists,he showed a strong interest in Thangka from a young age.Thangka painting involves highly skilled,geometric painting on cotton or silk and usually depicts a Buddhist deity,a ritual scene or symbol.Norbusitar learned the necessary techniques from  相似文献   
9.
Managing work while pregnant has long been a challenge for women in both paid and unpaid work. With Norway as the case in point, the aim of this study was to explore expectations and experiences among women relating to work-life and pregnancy health. Employing the constant comparison method, we drew on interviews, Internet discussions, newspapers, and health information booklets. The findings revealed strong discourses on pregnancy as health, and high expectations among pregnant women to be healthy, fit, and maintain their working capacity throughout pregnancy. Women who needed to slow down failed to fulfil these normative expectations and commonly experienced this as a personal defeat. Despite policies and regulations protecting women's pregnancy-related needs vis-à-vis their employer, some women hesitated to claim their eligibility to special rights. Many pregnant women overstretched, compromising their own health. This, we argue, reflects the ambiguity in policy and in the public debate. Ideas about pregnant women as a vulnerable group needing special protection on the one hand, and the expectations to perform as usual throughout pregnancy on the other, are discussed here in view of a gender-difference versus a gender-neutral discourse, the latter being foundational to the public debate on gender in contemporary Norway.  相似文献   
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