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1.
In recent times, issues surrounding change have become increasingly important in the study of political analysis. This is especially true within strains of new institutionalism such as historical institutionalism and the 'Varieties of Capitalism' approach. However, although this has led to a sensitising towards the temporal dimension, the spatial dimension has been relatively ignored. This is arguably problematic, as a fuller understanding of space and the spatiality of social and political relations would lead to more coherent and accurate analyses of political phenomena that currently characterise historical institutionalism. Indeed at an ontological level, drawing on work within the natural sciences and geography, it is impossible to talk of time without reference to spatiality and of space without reference to temporality. This short article reviews some of the more prominent historical institutionalist literature that deals with change and renders explicit the problematic conceptualisation of space, and consequently time, which underpins their analyses. Drawing on Massey and Sayer, it proceeds to outline briefly a relational conception of space and the difference that space makes to political analyses. 相似文献
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Status generalization refers to the capacity of status characteristics, such as race, gender, or occupation, to become the basis of social inequality even when such characteristics are not directly relevant to the immediate social interaction. For instance, individuals with positively valued status characteristics are more likely to assume positions of power and prestige than those of lower standing. To date, status generalization has been assumed to arise from stereotyped beliefs that associate positive standing on a status characteristic with positively valued personal attributes. Findings from two studies indicate that the capacity for status characteristics to produce power and prestige orders may also depend on people's need to believe in a just world. In the first study, participants were fortuitously granted a position of either superior or equal power and prestige to another person. Consistent with just world predictions, participants portrayed themselves more positively relative to the other on assessments of personal attributes when they occupied a superior position than when they occupied a position of equal power and prestige. Results from a second study showed that the tendency to link personal attributes with power and prestige standing was strongest for participants who scored high on the Just World Scale. Thus, just world beliefs appear to play a role in status generalization processes. 相似文献
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Brian J. Gaines Mark Goodwin Stephen Holden Bates Gisela Sin 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2019,25(3):331-339
ABSTRACTProving that legislative committees really matter is not simple. The assembled papers aim to demonstrate fruitful paths to analysing when committees influence policy, what they can and should do, and how to detect their importance to the political process. 相似文献
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Stephen Bates 《Communication Law & Policy》2013,18(2):141-161
This article surveys the history, organization and mixed success of the Hutchins Commission. The commission was foremost a creature of its own times, and, notwithstanding the sometimes unclear philosophy about its goal and the elitist content of its declarations to reform journalism, was motivated by high principles of communitarianism and duties of democratic citizenship. The article suggests an important lesson for academicians and journalists, politicians and social theorists, who today feel the need for another commission to address the difficult issues of, among other things, sensationalism of news content and concentration of media ownership. The message is that journalism should not be reformed, but informed. It should address the same kinds of issues broached long ago by the Hutchins Commission Report, but in a much different way. 相似文献
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Frank Bates 《Liverpool Law Review》2006,27(2):233-258
This article examines some recent decisions of the Family Court of Australia as they relate to matters of private international law in family law matters. Although the notion of forum non conveniens is considered, a major focus remains on the approach of the jurisdiction to the Hague Convention on Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction. In the various issues which have appeared before it, the Family Court of Australia has demonstrated a degree of confusion which suggests that other jurisdictions should be cautious in their dealings with Australia in the areas which the article discusses.Professor of Law, University of Newcastle (NSW). 相似文献
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Richard Bates 《Journal of Political Ideologies》2019,24(2):201-219
ABSTRACTThis article looks at the political implications of a subject not always thought of as directly political, but which has an important ideological component: child-rearing advice. The period after 1945 offers an important example of how this topic can interact with developments in political ideology. This article takes the example of France, with substantial comparative reference to the US and Britain. It argues that the mid-twentieth century was characterized by a move from a hygienist and behaviourist approach to child rearing to a more liberal, humanist approach informed by Freudian psychoanalysis. This occurred significantly later in France – in the 1970s – than in Britain or the US, where it is associated with the years immediately after World War II. Through a comparison of two celebrated childcare experts who epitomized the change – Françoise Dolto in France, Benjamin Spock in the US – the paper explores the reasons for this temporal discrepancy. It shows that Anglo-American experts believed that the widespread application of psychoanalytic theory would help produce democratic citizens and ward off the dangers of authoritarian personalities. In France, psychoanalytic approaches became allied with conservative Catholic views of the family and women’s roles, with implications for family policy into the twenty-first century. 相似文献
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