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1.
The author describes the results of the UN Independent Inquiryon the Genocide in Rwanda, which he headed. The internationalcommunity's reluctance to commit itself and its resources tothe UN Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR or UN Mission),coupled with the inadequacy of UNAMIR's initial mandate, areidentified as the crucial reasons for the Mission's failings.These weaknesses led to the failure of the UN forces on theground to respond effectively to the genocide and inhibitedtheir ability to protect civilians and UN staffers. The authordetails the failures both of the UN Mission in Rwanda and ofthe leadership in New York, with unflinching exactitude, drawingimportant lessons to help ensure that another such breakdownof the UN system during a time of crisis does not happen again.  相似文献   
2.
During fatal aviation accident investigations, biosamples from the victims are submitted to the FAA Civil Aeromedical Institute (CAMI) for drug analysis. In the process of one such analysis by CAMI, an unknown substance was found in a urine sample. Simultaneous screening by thin layer chromatography (TLC) and gas chromatography/FID (GC/FID) suggested the presence of pseudoephedrine. A subsequent routine confirmation analysis of a separate urine aliquot by GC Fourier transform infrared (GC/FTIR) and GC mass spectrometry (GC/MS) indicated that the retention times of the unknown substance matched with those of pseudoephedrine. However, its infrared and mass spectra were different--the -OH and -NH groups were missing, a C-O-C group was present, and the molar mass was 12 atomic mass units (amu) more than that of pseudoephedrine. A subsequent literature search suggested that ephedrine-like amines react with aldehydes to form oxazolidines. Therefore, the 12-amu increase could be accounted for by condensation of pseudoephedrine with formaldehyde. Since this aldehyde is present in various grades of methanol and ethyl acetate, and these solvents were used during the solid-phase extraction, 3,4-dimethyl-5-phenyl-1,3-oxazolidine was synthesized by using (+)-pseudoephedrine HCl and formaldehyde. The analytical findings of the synthesized compound were consistent with those of the unknown interfering substance, confirming that it was the oxazolidine. Aldehyde contaminants in solvents or specimens can transform drugs of interest and may result in misidentification of a compound originally present in specimens. Therefore, chemicals used in analyses should be of the highest available purity, and a multi-analytical approach should be adopted to maintain a high degree of quality assurance.  相似文献   
3.

Perpetrator and victim gender influence how blame is assigned in intimate partner violence (IPV) scenarios. Although men’s differential capacity to inflict and sustain harm is posited as the reason male perpetrators and victims receive more blame for IPV, it is possible that other aspects of the construct of gender, such as gender role beliefs, underscore these effects. Using a sample of 323 college students and a factorial vignette design that varied body sizes and genders of victims and perpetrators, we examined the extent to which perceptions of physical injury accounted for the effects of perpetrator and victim gender on blame attributions, and whether adherence to traditional gender roles moderated any influences of gender unassociated with perceived injury. For female perpetrators, participants estimated lower levels of perceived injury and greater victim blame, with the former effect predominantly accounting for the latter. Male victims were viewed as less injured and more blameworthy, but the latter finding was not predominantly driven by injury perceptions. Perceived physical injury also did not account for why females perpetrating against males were blamed least. Controlling for differences in perceived injury, those holding more traditional gender views blamed victims of female violence more than victims of male-perpetrated violence. Notably, variations in body physical size were not associated with injury perceptions or blame attributions. These findings overall suggest that gender does influence blame attributions by way of perceived physical injury, but other aspects of the construct of gender are also relevant to these evaluations.

  相似文献   
4.
January 1, 1974, marked the beginning of the Supplemental Security Income (SSI) program for the aged, blind, and disabled, and also marked the end of a 14-month period of preparation that began on October 30, 1972, when President Nixon signed into law the Social Security Amendments of 1972 (Public Law 92-603). As a way of marking SSI's 10th anniversary, it seems appropriate to review the development of the program since its enactment and compare the program's performance with its original goals and expectations. This article looks at the SSI program in the context of the program's goals as set out by Congress and discusses the legislative changes--and the motives behind those changes--since its implementation. Statistical data are examined to determine whether the program is accomplishing what it was designed to do, and whether, as a result of legislation or because of changes in the characteristics of the recipient population, trends are developing that may have a future impact on the program.  相似文献   
5.
This study was designed to assess the utility of the Competency Screening Test (CST) as a method of determining competency to stand trial. Fifty male residents of a state forensic unit were administered the CST. These residents were later interviewed by the Forensic Team who determined whether they were competent to stand trial. The CST correctly predicted the competency recommendations of the Forensic Team in 82 percent of the 50 cases. These data are consistent with previous research, and suggest that the CST should be further investigated as a preliminary screening instrument in the determination of competency to stand trial.  相似文献   
6.
Political values and voting behaviour differ significantly between employees in the public and the private sectors, to the extent that some have called this one of the most important political cleavages in modern societies. But what causes these differences? The article outlines two hypotheses, one being the possibility that political values are shaped during higher education. To try and shed some light on this hypothesis, the political values of two groups of students at Agder University College in southern Norway were studied over a period of time. One group of students studied disciplines – nursing, social work, and teaching – that would almost without exception give them jobs in the public sector. The other group studied economics, a subject that for most of them would lead to a job in the private sector. Their political values were then measured at two points in time: when beginning study and after three years of studying. The main conclusion is that political values differ when the students begin to study, and that most political values change only marginally during the three‐year period. The few changes that occur during the period hint at a minor tendency for students to become more politically alike, indicating that higher education has a slight homogenising effect on political values. For one type of political values, however, rather dramatic changes take place. Both student groups acquire significantly more non‐authoritarian values during studies, indicating that higher education may be an important cause of such values.  相似文献   
7.
This study examined whether female-to-male (FTM) psychological aggression predicted men’s relapse of substance use disorder (SUD) 6 months following substance use treatment. Men diagnosed with either a substance abuse or dependence disorder who had recently begun an SUD treatment program participated in the study with their female relationship partners (N = 173). Logistic regression was used to examine the relationship between baseline FTM psychological aggression and SUD relapse when controlling for baseline demographic, dyadic, substance abuse- and treatment-related variables, as well as frequencies of other male- and female-perpetrated aggressive dyadic behaviors. Higher frequencies of severe, but not minor, forms of FTM psychological aggression uniquely predicted an increased risk of relapse at 6 months follow-up. These data add to the developing research program highlighting the negative sequelae of female-perpetrated psychological aggression and also provide an empirical basis for targeting specific dyadic behaviors in the context of SUD treatment and relapse prevention.  相似文献   
8.

This article deals with the issue of how the national parliaments might be strengthened in order to decrease the democratic deficit within the EU. It examines the parliamentary European committees in the Danish and Swedish Parliaments and concludes that their potential to influence and control their respective governments’ EU policies mainly depends on the Government's parliamentary base and opportunities for legislative influence open to parliamentary oppositions. Moreover, it examines various organisational aspects of the European committees, including distribution of tasks and internal co‐ordination within the Parliament, at what stage in the decision‐making process the European Committee and the Parliament are involved and information management. With some conspicuous exceptions, Denmark and Sweden have chosen the same organisational arrangements for dealing with EU affairs both in the Parliament as a whole and, specifically, in the European committees. The principal conclusion is that the European committees in Sweden and Denmark are effective means for giving the national parliaments a voice in EU matters, but the article also addresses some reforms to strengthen their positions.  相似文献   
9.
Incidents are relatively short periods of intensified discourse that arise from public responses to symbolically important actions by public officials, and an important part of the conflict that increasingly surrounds state wildlife management in the West. In an effort to better understand incidents as a facet of this conflict, we analyzed the discourses of two incidents in Arizona that were precipitated by the intended removal of cougars by managers in response to public safety concerns. We used newspaper content, 1999?C2007, to elucidate seminal patterns of public discourses and discourse coalitions as well as differences in discursive focus between incident periods and background periods. Cougars were mentioned in newspaper articles 13?C33 times more often during incidents compared with background periods. State wildlife agency commissioners and hunters were part of a discourse coalition that advocated killing cougars to solve problems, blamed cougars and those who promoted the animals?? intrinsic value and sought to retain power to define and solve cougar-related problems. Personnel from affected state and federal agencies expressed a similar discourse. Environmentalists, animal protection activists, and some elected officials were of a coalition that defined ??the problem?? primarily in terms of people??s behaviors, including behaviors associated with current institutional arrangements. This discourse advocated decentralizing power over cougar management. The discourses reflected different preferences for the allocations of power and use of lethal versus non-lethal methods, which aligned with apparent core beliefs and participants?? enfranchisement or disenfranchisement by current state-level management power arrangements.  相似文献   
10.
The debate on what effect networks have on the existing institutions of representative democracy is highly polarized. On one hand, networks are regarded as means to ‘fill in’ where traditional institutions fail, and on the other, networks are viewed as arrangements draining or ‘hollowing out’ traditional institutions of power and legitimacy. In this article, filling in and hollowing out are treated as two distinct dimensions, opening up for the possibility that networks may both fill in and hollow out member organizations. The argument is that networks, to be able to fill in, must be ‘strong’ (autonomy, resources), but the stronger they become, the higher the probability that they also hollow out their individual members. This thesis is empirically illuminated by studying political governance networks in Norway (i.e., voluntary cooperation between municipalities creating a regional council). Main findings conclude that these networks only to a very moderate degree fill in and hollow out, indicating that the networks play a largely symbolic role. However, there are variations between networks, and the data indicate that the degree of hollowing out depends on both the strength of the network (size and asymmetry) and its individual members (i.e., their population size).  相似文献   
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