全文获取类型
收费全文 | 27114篇 |
免费 | 868篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 1079篇 |
工人农民 | 1125篇 |
世界政治 | 2094篇 |
外交国际关系 | 983篇 |
法律 | 16194篇 |
中国共产党 | 36篇 |
中国政治 | 203篇 |
政治理论 | 5943篇 |
综合类 | 325篇 |
出版年
2021年 | 147篇 |
2020年 | 388篇 |
2019年 | 425篇 |
2018年 | 569篇 |
2017年 | 691篇 |
2016年 | 727篇 |
2015年 | 531篇 |
2014年 | 594篇 |
2013年 | 2624篇 |
2012年 | 676篇 |
2011年 | 730篇 |
2010年 | 583篇 |
2009年 | 674篇 |
2008年 | 780篇 |
2007年 | 820篇 |
2006年 | 776篇 |
2005年 | 700篇 |
2004年 | 702篇 |
2003年 | 659篇 |
2002年 | 630篇 |
2001年 | 966篇 |
2000年 | 884篇 |
1999年 | 734篇 |
1998年 | 438篇 |
1997年 | 352篇 |
1996年 | 336篇 |
1995年 | 320篇 |
1994年 | 366篇 |
1993年 | 334篇 |
1992年 | 509篇 |
1991年 | 576篇 |
1990年 | 509篇 |
1989年 | 511篇 |
1988年 | 495篇 |
1987年 | 507篇 |
1986年 | 528篇 |
1985年 | 495篇 |
1984年 | 429篇 |
1983年 | 448篇 |
1982年 | 352篇 |
1981年 | 347篇 |
1980年 | 271篇 |
1979年 | 343篇 |
1978年 | 244篇 |
1977年 | 215篇 |
1976年 | 186篇 |
1975年 | 176篇 |
1974年 | 191篇 |
1973年 | 186篇 |
1972年 | 153篇 |
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 16 毫秒
1.
2.
ABSTRACTLike many Republican presidential candidates before him, Donald J. Trump campaigned on a pro-business, anti-regulation platform, and since his election in November 2016, he has directed his administration to move forward with deregulation in many arenas, including consumer financial protections, environmental controls, and workplace safety among others. Past efforts to roll back regulations governing certain industries, such as the savings and loan and the mortgage industries, have had harmful consequences for the general public or for specific interest groups. In this study, we review what the Trump administration has accomplished with regard to deregulation to date. Then, based on past deregulatory fiascos, we theorize the harmful collateral consequences that may result from this most recent swing of the regulatory-deregulatory pendulum. 相似文献
3.
Angela J. Thielo Francis T. Cullen Alexander L. Burton Melissa M. Moon Velmer S. Burton Jr 《Victims & Offenders》2019,14(3):267-282
ABSTRACTRecently, “problem-solving” courts have been developed as an alternative to imprisonment. They are often called “specialty” courts because they process and divert into treatment programs offenders who are seen as different from the general criminal population, such as those with mental health or drug problems, those who are homeless or veterans, and those who engage in domestic violence. Based on a 2017 national survey of 1,000 respondents, the current study examines overall public support for rehabilitation as a goal of corrections and then focuses specifically on support for different types of specialty courts. The analysis reveals that the American public endorses not only the rehabilitative ideal but also the use of problem-solving courts. Further, with only minimal variation, strong support for these courts appears to exist regardless of political orientation and sociodemographic characteristics. 相似文献
4.
AbstractThis study applies moral foundations theory to capital juror decision making. We hypothesized that binding moral foundations would predict death qualification and punitive sentencing decisions, whereas individualizing moral foundations would be associated with juror disqualification and a leniency effect. Additionally, we considered whether moral foundations can explain differences in death penalty application between conservatives and liberals. Respondents from two independent samples participated in a mock-juror task in which the circumstances of a hypothetical defendant’s case varied. Results revealed moral foundations were strong predictors of death qualification. The binding and individualizing foundations were related to sentencing decisions in the expected ways. Supporting our contention that moral foundations operate differently across different types of cases, heterogeneity in the effects of moral foundations was observed. Finally, we found support for the hypothesis that the relationship between sentencing decisions and conservatism would be attenuated by moral foundations. 相似文献
5.
In response to research demonstrating that irrelevant contextual information can bias forensic science analyses, authorities have increasingly urged laboratories to limit analysts' access to irrelevant and potentially biasing information (Dror and Cole (2010) [3]; National Academy of Sciences (2009) [18]; President's Council of Advisors on Science and Technology (2016) [22]; UK Forensic Science Regulator (2015) [26]). However, a great challenge in implementing this reform is determining which information is task-relevant and which is task-irrelevant. In the current study, we surveyed 183 forensic analysts to examine what they consider relevant versus irrelevant in their forensic analyses. Results revealed that analysts generally do not regard information regarding the suspect or victim as essential to their analytic tasks. However, there was significant variability among analysts within and between disciplines. Findings suggest that forensic science disciplines need to agree on what they regard as task-relevant before context management procedures can be properly implemented. The lack of consensus about what is relevant information not only leaves room for biasing information, but also reveals foundational gaps in what analysts consider crucial in forensic decision making. 相似文献
6.
LORRAINE VAN BLERK JONATHAN MENDEL ANDREA RODRIGUEZ FERNANDO L. FERNANDES IRENE RIZZINI 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2019,38(3):284-299
Sport's transformative potential is known to support marginalised children, to deal with traumatic experiences and instil positive values; yet hosting mega sporting events (MSEs) can have negative impacts. Drawing on participatory research with favela‐based children during the 2014 World Cup in Brazil, this article argues that MSEs bring a macro‐securitisation of urban life, which causes considerable harm. This paper also suggests that the inclusion of children's voices in advocacy debates can challenge top‐down securitisation and might allow MSEs to foster further positive social transformation. Therefore, juxtaposed with causing harm, macro‐securitisations can open opportunities for children to take action and have their voices heard. 相似文献
7.
Anne L. Schneider 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2020,39(1):288-292
8.
9.
10.
Daniel Abrahams 《冲突、安全与发展》2019,19(4):323-345
ABSTRACTIncreasingly, a diverse set of policy communities, including those with defence, development and environmental mandates, frame climate change as a security threat. Most often this discursive formation labels climate change as a ‘threat multiplier’. This framing, however, is vague, linear and leaves many questions unanswered regarding how institutions can develop and implement policy that addresses the joint challenges of climate change, conflict and security. Utilising a mixed-methods approach, and grounding data collection in US policy communities, this article examines how policy actors and institutions integrate climate-security discourses into policy processes. The objective of this research is to provide direct insight into how the discourses and technical understandings of climate-security transition into policy priorities and implementation realities. This research identified three common approaches to climate-security: (1) A challenge of adaptation and resilience; (2) A potent political argument; and (3) An issue of limited importance and feasibility. These approaches, however, are inconsistent across sectors and within organisations, suggesting a lack of cohesion and considerable challenges in identifying and responding to climate change as a ‘threat multiplier’. 相似文献