Detection of Mitragynine in Mitragyna Speciosa (Kratom) Using Surface-Enhanced Raman Spectroscopy with Handheld Devices

A simple, quick, selective, sensitive, and effective field-friendly method capable of being used by nonexperts has been developed for detecting mitragynine in Mitragyna speciosa (kratom) using surface-enhanced Raman spectroscopy (SERS). Over 100 samples and blanks (known to be either positive or negative for the presence of mitragynine) were examined in duplicate using five identical handheld Raman spectrometers, which provided a data set of over 1,000 examinations. Based on the results of these analyses, the method yielded a true-positive rate of 99.3%, a true-negative rate of 97.9%, a false-positive rate of 2.1%, and a false-negative rate of 0.7%. The average minimum detectable concentration (C_m) of mitragynine that reproducibly yielded a match for one of the library spectra on all five instruments was determined to be 342 ng/mL (ppb). This C_m value is a conservative estimate considering that the extraction process was not fully optimized by this study, which was not necessary since the C_m value achieved was well below typical mitragynine concentrations in kratom (1.3–2.3%). The method is ideal (i) for prioritizing samples for additional testing using other more time-consuming laboratory-based techniques needed to detect and quantify mitragynine and (ii) for field use at international mail facility (IMF) satellite laboratories to help interdict kratom and prevent this dangerous product from reaching the U.S. supply chain.     

Sustainable governance of natural resources and institutional change–an analytical framework

This article presents a conceptual framework for analysing the governance of natural resource use, as governance is often the primary issue when natural resources are overexploited and degraded. It addresses both spontaneous and active governance, including institutional change induced by development co‐operation. Drawing on existing frameworks of institutional analysis, fundamental modifications are presented to adapt the concept to the context of international co‐operation, and to include dynamic aspects of institutional change as well as multiple actor interactions. Tested in several case studies, the framework was found suitable and relevant for use in project planning and evaluation, as well as for comparing governance issues across cases in a conceptually rigorous way. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

TJTC and the promise and reality of redistributive vouchering and tax credit policy

The Targeted Jobs Tax Credit (TJTC) is a representative redistributive incentive. Initially, proponents saw TJTC as an elegant program, efficiently promoting labor market behavior that would solve the employment problems of many disadvantaged job seekers. However, interest groups distorted the credit into a windfall for businesses that hire large numbers of low wage workers. The policy theories incorporated into TJTC, which emphasized continual program reform and minimized program management by public administrators, provided a setting conducive to interest group distortion. Because few representatives of the disadvantaged participated in the oversight process, special interests undermined TJTC being reformed through empirical evaluation. This experience indicates that without major changes in the policy process, narrowly targeted rzdistributive policies should be avoided.     

Art. 20a GG in der Hand des Bundesverfassungsgerichts – Potential für einen Anspruch auf Gesetzgebung?

Natur und Recht - Als allein objektive Verfassungsnorm kann Art. 20a GG für sich genommen dem Einzelnen kein subjektives Recht auf Klima-Gesetzgebung verleihen. Hieran ändert auch der...     

Political Candidates and the Energy Issue: Nuclear Power Position and Electoral Success

Members of parliament are key actors for the implementation of energy transitions, such as phasing out nuclear power. Before legislators can cast their maybe decisive vote in parliament, they need to run for office and actively strive for election. This paper assesses what political candidates oppose renewable energy transitions and questions whether the energy issue matters in national elections, and thus has consequences for the implementation of new sustainable energy sources. We analyze these questions by first describing the specific characteristics of political candidates. The paper then evaluates the relevance of the energy issue for electoral success in three national elections in Switzerland (2007, 2012, and 2015). Based on candidate data from the voting advice application smartvote.ch, we find that female candidates support ETs more than men do; that especially the French‐speaking part of the country is more in favor of a nuclear phase‐out, and that younger candidates are also more open toward restructuring the energy system than older candidates are. Our models further show that the energy issue does not matter in elections, independently from its salience in the respective election campaigns. Candidates are thus relatively free to choose their position on the issue and do not have to fear consequences at the ballot. However, candidates of center parties, in contrast to the pole parties, are sensitive to the energy issue and reflect public mood in their positions.     

Immunoenzyme AB0 blood group determination using a single hair. I

The immunoenzyme technique was used to determine the ABO blood group of strands of human scalp hair. The hair was obtained from 168 individuals of known blood groups (A1: n = 58; A2: n = 11; B: n = 28; O: n = 46; A1B: n = 16; A2B: n = 9). Immunostaining was carried out by using monoclonal anti-A, anti-B and anti-H as primary antibodies. Group-specific staining was clearly observed within the medulla of the hair. The ABO blood group of all hair samples was determined correctly by the Sternberger (PAP) or APAAP (immunoalkaline phosphatase) technique. The present study indicates that immunoenzyme techniques can be regarded as practical methods for determining ABO blood group of hair.     

The Ambiguity of Veto Power in Coalitions: German Liberals' Role as a Watchdog in Justice and Home Affairs and their Failure to Sell Stalemate as Success in the Federal Elections of 2013

The article demonstrates that the rigid use of veto capacity in coalitions causes risks for re-election. Justice was a high-salience domain of the German Liberal Democratic Party (FDP), which occupied this portfolio in its coalition with the Conservative majority in the federal legislative period from 2009 to 2013. By analysing several legislative projects the article shows that their contents or non-adoption were an effect of liberals' vetoes. This policy-seeking strategy provoked conflicts within the coalition and stalemate making it impossible to realise popular measures that would have enhanced the Liberals' reputation and the importance of the domain for the voters who were mainly interested in economic and social policy. Moreover, the Liberals' vetoes led to a loss of support from its major coalition partner in the pre-election campaign. Thus governmental parties have to trade off policy and vote-seeking goals in order to get re-elected.