The Feminist Art of Self-Education

Abstract

Sociologist Elizabeth Long has charted the emergence of women’s reading groups in nineteenth-century America. ‘The women who founded literary clubs’, Long (2004, 337) tells us, ‘were aflame with the then revolutionary desire for education and self-development, which they called “self-culture”.’ Comparable aspirations continued to fuel a drive amongst women to organize together within reading and publishing groups, usually outside of official institutions, well into the twentieth century. This ‘revolutionary desire’ for self-education has also been evident in the UK women’s art and art history movement, although it has not been addressed in thorough detail. This article therefore seeks to situate an overlooked history of artistic reading and publishing communities in relation to an established body of theory in literary and cultural studies. These theoretical materials will illuminate the importance that reading and self-education (either in person or as part of a periodical network) had in establishing solidarity, and generating debate, within a flourishing art and art history movement. The second half of this article focuses on a specific case study. FAN: Feminist Art News (1980–1993) was an independent, grassroots publication that grew out of the Women Artists’ Newsletter in London. Temporary editorial collectives published themed issues on a quarterly basis. This article contends that it is no coincidence the subject of art education formed the focus of the periodical’s first issue, as well as a subsequent issue four years later. This indicates the significance of a reflexive auto-didacticism to second-wave feminism, as well as gesturing towards the long history of ‘education and self-improvement’ that has fuelled women’s reading and study groups since the nineteenth century.     

Fast Discrimination of Marijuana using Automated High-throughput Cannabis Sample Preparation and Analysis by Gas Chromatography–Mass Spectrometry

In the United States, federal law and many state laws differentiate between marijuana and industrial hemp through delta-9-tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) levels, whereby the latter is defined as ≤0.3 percent THC on a dry weight basis. Many traditional cannabis identification methods employed by crime laboratories cannot accurately determine total THC quantities in accordance with federal and state regulations, or do so with increased time, labor, and risks of instrument damage. In order to quickly distinguish positive marijuana samples, a method was developed to identify plant material with a total THC level >1%. This novel, automated dispersive pipette extraction (DPX) method uses tip-based technology and an automated liquid handler to enable fast, hands-free selective isolation of THC and its precursors for downstream gas chromatography–mass spectrometry (GC-MS) analysis. The workflow proceeds with no repetitive manual effort and reduced need for instrument maintenance while enabling crime labs to legally identify marijuana through the detection of total THC above 1%. Recovery of THC using the DPX extraction method was 93% at 30 µg/mL and 78% at 500 µg/mL. Similarly, THCA-A recovery was 100% at 30 µg/mL and 74% at 500 µg/mL. Samples evaluated in a blind study (proficiency, hemp, and nonprobative case samples) were all accurately identified as greater than or less than 1% THC, with samples containing <1% THC being identified as “cannabis” and subjected to more discriminative analysis as needed.     

The Northern territories: Source or symptom?

The issue of the Northern Territories has often been described as the “centerpiece” of Soviet-Japanese relations, and this is seemingly reflected in the forty-five years of postwar diplomatic history between the soviet Union and Japan. At the same time an examination of the actual legal and strategic problems surrounding the islands sheds little light on why they have been so persistently unamenable to resolution, unlike, for instance, the Sino-Soviet border dispute, or the Sino-Japanese islands dispute. This article suggests turning the argument on its head—that is, that the islands dispute is a symptom, not a source, of the tension that has been generated by the timing and course of modernization taken by these two neighbors in the context of the contemporary international situation. The research for this article was conducted while the author was a master’s degree candidate at the Russian Research Center at Harvardy University, under the supervision of Professor Susan Pharr.     

The global game of football: The 2002 World Cup and regional development in Japan

Analysis of major sports or 'mega'-events, including the Soccer World Cup, enables consideration of several overlapping and intersecting issues. These include: centre-periphery relationships related to governance in world sport; power relations between nation states, supranational sport associations and the sports business; the media-sport-business connection; the cultural production of ideologies needed to cover emergent fissures-- such as over who actually controls 'global games'; and what the costs and benefits of hosting these events actually are. By focusing on the relationship between the 2002 World Cup and the development of the social and football infrastructure in contemporary Japan, this paper offers insight into the relationship between the global and the local, and especially the last of these issues. It concludes that attempts to utilise football and the (co-)hosting of the 2002 World Cup for sports purposes has benefited the development of the sport as a commercial spectacle rather than as an everyday practice. Related goals, such as the relocation of population from the centre to the periphery, economic income generation and a general improvement in the quality of life of the Japanese population as a whole, are still far from being accomplished.     

Charitable Choice Implementation: What Public Managers Should Know About Public Opinion and the Potential Impact of Government Funding on Private Giving

Charitable Choice, a cornerstone of President Bush's domestic policy agenda, provides that faith-based organizations (FBOs) will have an opportunity to compete for government contracts. However, few empirical studies examine the impact of public funding to FBOs on individual charitable giving to FBOs. Using public opinion survey data and multivariate analysis to examine this relationship, we find that most financial supporters of FBOs report that they would not change their giving behavior in the wake of increased government funding to FBOs, contrary to the much- established crowding-out hypothesis. The policy and management implications of these findings are discussed.