Bicommunalism in Northern Ireland

Northern Ireland is a bicommunal society in which Protestantsare numerically dominant; Roman Catholics constitute virtuallyall of the remaining population. On the island as a whole, Protestantsare heavily outnumbered; the Republic of Ireland (the "South")has a population that is about 96 percent Catholic. Social segregationof the two northern communities is relatively distinct, andthere is little crosscutting between groups that might lessenbicommunal conflict. A reciprocal relationship exists betweenthe social system and political structures. Northern Irish politicalinstitutions followed the Westminster model, which facilitatedthe political exclusion of Catholics and impeded social as wellas political integration. The bicommunal social structure hasimpeded the development of more accommodating political structures.Geographic issues and external linkages compound the politicalproblem. Northern Irish politics can be viewed as a "dual dyad"in which the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland arecritical components. Psychological dimensions of Northern Irishbicommunalism further exacerbate the conflict.     

The basic law and the limits of toleration

Germany's Basic Law is claimed to represent a liberal‐democratic constitution. This article seeks to examine whether a constitution that permits the prohibition of parties (Art. 21.2 GG) and the suspension of individual rights (Art. 18 GG) deserves this label. The examination is based on the analytical framework provided by the liberal concept of toleration. For toleration to be a meaningful concept within liberal theory, it has to imply certain limits. The author concludes that the main purpose of Arts. 21.2 and 18 GG is to serve as a reminder of these limits of toleration while the practice of the Federal Constitutional Court reflects the liberal constraints on enforcing the limits of toleration.     

A kinetic model describing the pharmacokinetics of ethyl glucuronide in humans

The glucuronide conjugation is a minor pathway of ethanol metabolism. The determination of ethyl glucuronide (EG) in serum and urine has gained importance in forensic and other legal decisions. To prospectively calculate the serum concentration of this non-oxidative ethanol metabolite, the computer program developed includes a parameter fitting routine. Multiple ethanol doses can be handled.The mathematical modeling was based on the following assumptions and simplifications, respectively. A single enzyme system is responsible for ethanol conjugation at one distinct site; the distribution of EG into the systemic circulation is delayed; the elimination of EG follows first-order kinetics.The concentration of EG was calculated using three kinetic parameters: a rate constant for the first-order formation of EG from serum ethanol, a transfer constant for an obstructed transfer of EG from the formation site (FS) into the central compartment (CC) and an exponential elimination constant.The program was applied to the data collected from 21 drinking experiments. The fitting algorithm optimized the three kinetic parameters, until the sum of concentration error squares of the data points was minimized. The means+/-standard deviation of the rate constant for the first-order formation of EG from serum ethanol was 0.0011+/-0.0006 h(-1), the transfer constant for an obstructed transfer of EG from the FS into the CC was 0.43+/-0.1996 h(-1) and the exponential elimination constant was 3.0+/-1.45 h(-1).Using the range of these parameters, it is now possible to calculate minimum and maximum serum concentrations of EG based on ethanol doses and drinking times. The comparison of calculated and measured concentrations can prove the plausibility of an alleged ethanol consumption. This can be crucial when the serum ethanol concentration (SEC) itself is not meaningful.     

Congressional Activism in the Foreign Policy Arena: A Case Study of the 1994 Rwandan Genocide

This article analyzes congressional activism during an international crisis. Using the 1994 Rwandan genocide as a case, this study explores executive–congressional relations during a time when immediate policy responses are needed. A content analysis of policy statements made during committees, on the House floor, and on the Senate floor is used to investigate the specific policy ideas proposed by members of Congress. The models presented pay particular attention to the actions of Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) members, in relation to other more common predictors of congressional activism. In addition to the results for CBC members, other conclusions indicate that foreign policy leaders in Congress are international affairs policy experts without serious concerns of being defeated in their next election.