Loss of heterozygosity detected in a short tandem repeat (STR) locus commonly used for human DNA identification

Short tandem repeat (STR) markers are commonly used in basic genetic research and in human identification testing. Clinically, STRs can be used to study genetic alterations in tumors. A genetic deletion common to many types of cancer is referred to as the loss of heterozygosity (LOH). Numerous examples of LOH in cancer have been described and some have been mapped to areas located in close proximity to markers employed in human identity testing. Despite this fact, LOH has rarely been observed for STR loci commonly employed in forensic testing. Recently, for medico-legal purposes, we were asked to determine whether a tissue biopsy originated from a particular individual. For a reference source we assessed two specimens, one from normal tissue and one from cancerous tissue. When both reference specimens were used to generate DNA profiles, we observed LOH at one STR locus, D13S317. As demonstrated in other cancers only the cancerous biopsy demonstrated LOH. The forensic community should be cognizant of these unusual circumstances because, as identification of human DNA continues to be used more extensively, certain instances will arise in which reference material will not be readily available. In these situations, archived specimens may be employed as a reference source. Clinical specimens such as tissue biopsies should be used with caution if they have not been confirmed to contain normal tissue.     

Party convergence and vote switching: Explaining mainstream party decline across Europe

How can one explain the significant vote losses of mainstream parties across Europe in recent years? In this article, it is argued that mainstream party convergence is an important determinant of the recent political and electoral volatility in European party systems. More specifically, it is hypothesised that as mainstream parties converge on the left-right scale, voters will switch from supporting a mainstream party to a non-mainstream party in the next election as they look for an alternative that better represents their ideological views. To test these theoretical expectations, data is combined from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and the Manifestos Project for nearly 15,000 vote choices of individual voters in 30 elections in 16 West and East European countries from 2001 until 2013. The findings have important implications for understanding the recent rise of non-mainstream parties, the changing nature of party systems and the increasing complexity of cabinet formation across Europe.     

Iranian STR variation at the fringes of biogeographical demarcation

The integrative relationship between population genetics and forensic biology allows for a thorough genetic characterization of extant human populations. This study aimed to genetically characterize 150 unrelated healthy donors from a general population in Iran both forensically and phylogenetically. The allelic frequencies of 15 STR loci (D8S1179, D21S11, D7S820, CSF1PO, D3S1358, TH01, D13S317, D16S539, D2S1338, D19S433, vWA, TPOX, D18S51, D5S818 and FGA) were generated. This constitutes the core of polymerase chain reaction (PCR)-based DNA genetic markers in the US Combined DNA Index System (CODIS) plus two additional loci (D2S1338 and D19S433) that together are consistent with several other worldwide database requirements. There were no deviations from Hardy-Weinberg expectations. Based upon the allelic frequencies, several important forensic parameters were calculated including: gene diversity (GD) index, power of discrimination (PD), polymorphic information content (PIC) and power of exclusion (PE). G-tests indicate the allelic frequencies of the Iranians are statistically non-significant compared to two Turkish populations yet, statistically different from the remaining 18 groups obtained from the literature and examined in this study. This suggests that the Iranian dataset may be forensically equivalent to the dataset from the Turkish region of Eastern Anatolia and the general population from Turkey. Phylogenetic analysis of our population with the full set of 15 loci indicate the Iranians occupy an intermediate position relative to the major Caucasian and East Asian clades on a global level. A regional phylogenetic analysis using 13 of the 15 loci indicate the Iranians segregate in a more compact association with groups from southeastern Spain, Arabs from Morocco and Syria, and especially with the general population from Turkey and those from Eastern Anatolia. These groups are flanked by highly differentiated populations from northern India and a Berber group from Tunisia on opposing ends of the regional phylogram. This report also demonstrates the necessity to thoroughly characterize the genetic composition of populations located in geographic intersections in order to choose the appropriate dataset on which to base forensic calculations, not only at an intra-population level, but also at an inter-population level as well.     

Twenty years of progress in addressing domestic violence: an agenda for the next 10

The past 20 years have seen great strides in addressing violence against women by their male partners. Although the author cannot point to one single intervention or set of interventions as being the most effective, institutional reforms that have included coordinated community responses have had a positive impact. During the next 10 years, researchers must learn how to address the obstacles that prevent institutional responses from being more effective in addressing the needs of victims.     

THE SELF‐REPRESENTED LITIGANT: IMPLICATIONS FOR THE BENCH AND BAR

It is widely accepted that the number of self‐represented litigants has skyrocketed nationwide, especially in family law cases. Although nationwide comprehensive data on the number of self‐represented litigants do not exist, anecdotal evidence supports the belief that self‐representation is increasing. The challenge for courts and the entire legal profession is how to respond. Most observers in Indiana would agree that the traditional model of family law litigation—both spouses represented by lawyers settling their disputes before a judge—is no longer the norm in family law cases. Judges face a dilemma: assisting a self‐represented litigant to level the playing field against a represented party is seen by many as violating impartiality, even if the assistance is rendered to create a just result. In an effort to address the situation, the Indiana Supreme Court created the Pro Se Advisory Committee in April 2001. This article explores the long‐range implications of the issue of self‐represented litigants on Indiana's court system in hope that it will provide some insight for other jurisdictions. The first part of the article addresses the numbers of self‐represented litigants by tracking growth or declines in self‐represented cases and assessing whether there are any pockets of self‐represented litigants geographically or in certain case types. The second part of the article puts Indiana into context with the rest of the nation and reviews national trends. The third section reviews Indiana's response to self‐represented litigants over the last decade. The fourth section reviews current and ongoing projects in Indiana. The article concludes that the issue of self‐represented litigants will not fade away and that the challenge that guides the legal profession is how we provide equal access to justice for all who enter our courthouses.     

Organised interests in the media and policy congruence: The contingent impact of the status quo

While a multitude of studies have investigated the link between opinion and policy, we have little knowledge of how and when organised interests affect this linkage. We argue that the alignment of organised interests affects opinion–policy congruence by influencing the weight decision-makers attach to citizen preferences. Moreover, we propose that alignment between majorities of groups and the public matters the most when status quo bias must be overcome for the public to obtain its preferred policy. We test our theoretical claims drawing on a comprehensive media content analysis of 160 policy issues in Germany and Denmark. Our results present a more sceptical picture of the ability of groups to suppress the opinion–policy linkage than the one frequently presented in the academic literature and public debate. We find that the capacity of groups to affect whether policy is congruent with the majority of the public is restricted to situations where the public supports a change in the status quo. In these cases, policy is less likely to end up reflecting public opinion if the majority of interest groups do not support the public position. In cases where the public is supportive of the policy status quo, the position of interest groups does not affect the likelihood that policy will eventually reflect the preferred position of the public. Our findings expand existing knowledge of organised interests in the study of policy representation and have important implications for understanding democratic governance.