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Little is known about the relative influences of neighborhood and school on the alcohol socialization process. Survey data from the Young in Oslo Study (N?=?10,038, mean age 17.1 years, 52% girls) were used to investigate the details of such influences, using cross-classified multilevel models. School and neighborhood contexts were equally important for ordinary alcohol use; however, neighborhood influences were mainly explained by individual and family factors, whereas peer-based sociocultural processes played a key role in explaining school effects. Neither context had much impact on heavy episodic drinking. The study suggests that “privileged” youth may be at risk of high alcohol consumption. Parental influences and peer-based sociocultural aspects of the school milieu should be considered in prevention efforts.  相似文献   
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This paper argues that recent developments in practice and theory provide a more promising basis for public service reform in developing countries than we have had since at least the turn of the century. There have been significant instances of large‐scale reform success, such as Nepal's Public Service Commission and Malaysia's delivery unit, Pemandu, and also “pockets of effectiveness” in individual agencies in many countries. They contribute to a more fruitful and diverse repertoire of reform approaches than generally realized. Policymakers can draw on all those instances and types of reform, together with relevant rich country experiences, as they improvise and tailor responses to their always unique reform problems. Proceeding in this way helps reformers to expand the “reform space” available within the political economy. Donors can help reformers if they facilitate reform in the spirit of the Busan Partnership rather than impose their preferred models. In short, the new direction which this paper identifies can be stated as creative problem solving by local actors facilitated by sympathetic donors, building on examples of reform success and drawing on a repertoire of poor and rich country reform approaches.  相似文献   
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The amphetamine derivative 3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA, "Ecstasy" is a currently used or abused designer drug and fatalities are frequently encountered in forensic practice. However, the question remains open whether an MDMA blood level can be toxic or even potentially lethal. In order to provide insight in the interpretation of a detected MDMA concentration, the distribution of MDMA and its metabolite 3,4-methylenedioxyamphetamine (MDA) in various body fluids and tissues was studied and discussed in two different fatalities. Apart from peripheral blood samples (such as femoral and subclavian blood), various blood samples obtained centrally in the human body and several body fluids (such as vitreous humour) were examined. In addition, various tissues such as cardiac muscle, lungs, liver, kidneys, and brain lobes were analysed. In contrast to the peripheral blood levels, high MDMA and MDA levels were found in cardiac blood and the majority of the organs, except for the abdominal adipose tissue. The high concentrations observed in all lung lobes, the liver and stomach contents indicate that post-mortem redistribution of MDMA and MDA into cardiac blood can occur and, as a result, blood sampled centrally in the body should be avoided. Therefore, our data confirm that peripheral blood sampling remains "the golden standard". In addition, a distinct difference in peripheral blood MDMA concentrations in our two overdose cases was established (namely 0.271 and 13.508 microg/ml, respectively). Furthermore, our results suggest that, if a peripheral blood sample is not available and when putrefaction is not too pronounced, vitreous humour and iliopsoas muscle can be valuable specimens for toxicological analysis. Finally, referring to the various mechanisms of death following amphetamine intake, which can result in different survival times (e.g. cardiopulmonary complications versus hyperthermia), the anatomo-pathological findings and the toxicological results should be considered as a whole in arriving at a conclusion.  相似文献   
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Since the suicide—homicide of 53 members of the Order of the Solar Temple in 1994 and the gas attempt by Aum Shinrikyo in Tokyo's subway in 1995, a number of European states have decided to fight against sects. France and Belgium are in the forefront of this battle. Both countries have set up official observatories of sects and state agencies involving various ministries to combat them. Preventive policies targeting sects are being carried out. In Belgium, the Anthroposophic Society, a philosophical movement listed as 1 of 189 sects suspected of being dangerous, has sued one federal entity that printed unfounded accusations against their movement in a widely distributed brochure against sects. The same Anthoposophic Society has also petitioned the Court of Arbitration to have the law establishing an observatory of sects annuled. This report deals with both legal actions.  相似文献   
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Whereas the impact of trade relations on conflict has been studied extensively, this is not the case for the impact of international migration. The latter might influence the size of expected costs and benefits, and hence the likelihood of military conflict between countries. In this paper, we discuss the channels through which bilateral migration can affect the prevalence of interstate military conflict. We then estimate migration’s impact on conflict using bilateral panel data between 1960–2000. We find evidence of a positive and robust impact of South-North and South-South migration on the occurrence of conflict. These effects are even larger when we control for potential endogeneity using a GMM approach.  相似文献   
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Willy Jou 《East Asia》2012,29(3):255-274
A consensus exists among political scientists and the media that a two party system has become firmly established in Japan, and power alternation following the 2009 House of Representatives election seemed to confirm this trend. In contrast, in this study I draw on both election and public opinion data to illustrate that Japan's two-party system rests on fragile micro foundations, particularly since the change of government, and may therefore not constitute a stable equilibrium. Specifically, the two-party system is sustained by the logic of competition in single member districts, but lacks strong backing among a large proportion of the public. Evidence in support of this argument include 1) decreasing vote shares for both the Liberal Democratic Party and the Democratic Party of Japan in the 2010 House of Councillors election, and 2) a weakening relationship between support for these two parties in monthly polls, in contrast to previous years when LDP and DPJ ratings mirrored one another. I discuss some potential implications of these developments, such as the growing prominence of regional parties and prospects for electoral rule changes.  相似文献   
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