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Choice of law and the home-court advantage: evidence   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
This paper tests three separate hypotheses about inherent biasesin the application of modern choice of law rules: (1) Brilmayer's1980 hypothesis that such rules camouflage 'pro-resident, pro-forum-law,pro-recovery' biases, (2) Borchers's 1992 hypothesis that courtsdo not consistently apply the principles of the choice of lawrule they claim to be applying, and (3) an economic hypothesis,presented in the paper, that only a 'pro-forum-law' bias isunambiguously consistent with economic efficiency, simply becauseit conserves the resources of the court and bar in the forumstate. I find relatively strong support for the 'pro-recovery'bias of courts, weaker support for 'pro-forum-law' bias, andreject the 'pro-resident' bias. If anything, states retainingthe rigid choice of law rules are more likely to favor theirresidents. Moreover, I reject Borchers's claim that courts donot take the modern approaches seriously. Indeed, in general,they follow Borchers's own predictions.  相似文献   
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This case-control study investigates the relationship between suicide and wealth in Kansas City, Missouri. House and personal property appraisal data on all victims of suicide from 1998 and 2002 and victims from a control population of deaths reported to the Jackson County Medical Examiner during the same time interval were obtained from the Jackson County Government website. The controls were matched to suicide cases by race, gender, year of death, and age at death (+/- 1 year). Data from the 426 members of each group of suicides and controls indicate that suicide victims were: 1) 77% more likely than controls to have lived in houses rather than in apartments or trailers, 2) more likely than controls to have lived in more expensive houses (mean values dollar 70,143 versus dolllar 61,513 respectively, p = 0.04) and 3) more likely to have killed themselves because of factors other than financial strain (8.0% of suicides showed financial strain).  相似文献   
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This article takes an ethnographic perspective to analyse the ways in which social movements in Buenos Aires, Argentina, politicise experiences of precarity through the creation of popular economy initiatives. I argue that we cannot understand these organising processes exclusively in relation to the pursuit of ‘formalisation’ or the improvement of working conditions. In the context of new forms of State intervention, the notions of ‘rights’—to labour and to the city—that these movements put forward, express ways of envisioning full inclusion in society that encompass notions of worthiness and ‘dignified life’, forged over the course of grassroots political action.  相似文献   
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