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1.
Economic Change and Restructuring - To study the effect of green industrial policies comprehensively, this paper takes uses a sample of Chinese Shanghai and Shenzhen A-share listed companies from... 相似文献
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ABSTRACTLike many Republican presidential candidates before him, Donald J. Trump campaigned on a pro-business, anti-regulation platform, and since his election in November 2016, he has directed his administration to move forward with deregulation in many arenas, including consumer financial protections, environmental controls, and workplace safety among others. Past efforts to roll back regulations governing certain industries, such as the savings and loan and the mortgage industries, have had harmful consequences for the general public or for specific interest groups. In this study, we review what the Trump administration has accomplished with regard to deregulation to date. Then, based on past deregulatory fiascos, we theorize the harmful collateral consequences that may result from this most recent swing of the regulatory-deregulatory pendulum. 相似文献
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2019年12月8日国家法官学院与香港城市大学合作办学十年座谈会暨判例法与案例指导制度论坛举行,本刊摘录几位嘉宾的现场演讲,以飨读者。 相似文献
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Wu-ting Tsai Ph.D. Chia-I Hu M.S. Chia-Yun Chang L.L.M. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(1):255-258
The horizontal displacement of the human body resulting from fatal fall from a height is an important variable commonly used to inversely determine the cause or identify other forensic aspects of the fall. When examining the horizontal displacement, the wind effect is generally ignored. This technical note reports analytical modeling of the falling process, utilizing previous measurements of wind force acting on the human body, for determining the functional relationship between the wind speed and the horizontal displacement in the falling process. The result reveals that it does not take extremely rare wind conditions to cause a considerable shift of the human body, highlighting the importance to consider wind as a factor in investigations of fatal falls. 相似文献
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Gerald L. Curtis 《Asia-Pacific Review》2020,27(1):133-136
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How large a benefit is partisan control of the redistricting process? Do legal constraints on redistricting—such as the preclearance requirement of the Voting Rights Act—alter this benefit? Are institutions designed to reduce the benefit to partisan control—such as redistricting commissions—effective? To measure the effects of partisan districting on the electoral fortunes of the parties, we collect data on the partisan composition of state government, House election outcomes, and moderating institutions over an 80-year period. Our results suggest that over time, both parties have benefited from unified control, with the effects largest in states where voters were evenly divided among the parties and smallest in states where the controlling party had a large advantage in the electorate. The effects have changed over time, with both parties having equally benefited from control during the middle of the 20th century, the benefit largely disappearing in the late part of the century, and the Republican Party seeing a moderate advantage from control in the current century. The benefits of partisan control were not diminished in states with redistricting commissions. The preclearance requirement appears to have hurt the Democratic Party except when its vote share was very low. The aggregate effects of partisan redistricting are moderate in magnitude—in the modern period, this effect has typically been less than 10 House seats, with the last election where control of the House would have flipped in expectation occurring in 1954. 相似文献
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智能互联网技术的快速发展和应用带来了诸多变革,虚拟社会、人机互动、算法规则使得现行法律制度面临一系列风险和挑战:法律价值上,传统法律正义观难以衡量一些抉择;法律关系上,既有的法律规范无法涵盖和调整一些新权益;法律适用上,司法制度遭遇障碍,等等.出现这些挑战的症结在于现行法律的过度滞后,除了法律天然的滞后性,保守的立法原则和繁复的立法程序也是重要影响因素.因此,有必要确立立法的适度超前原则,探索网络技术标准法律化,促进网络立法智能化,制定网络"基本法",建立适合智能互联网时代的网络法律体系. 相似文献
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Angela J. Thielo Francis T. Cullen Alexander L. Burton Melissa M. Moon Velmer S. Burton Jr 《Victims & Offenders》2019,14(3):267-282
ABSTRACTRecently, “problem-solving” courts have been developed as an alternative to imprisonment. They are often called “specialty” courts because they process and divert into treatment programs offenders who are seen as different from the general criminal population, such as those with mental health or drug problems, those who are homeless or veterans, and those who engage in domestic violence. Based on a 2017 national survey of 1,000 respondents, the current study examines overall public support for rehabilitation as a goal of corrections and then focuses specifically on support for different types of specialty courts. The analysis reveals that the American public endorses not only the rehabilitative ideal but also the use of problem-solving courts. Further, with only minimal variation, strong support for these courts appears to exist regardless of political orientation and sociodemographic characteristics. 相似文献
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