The war of words defining the extreme right party family

This article presents an overview of the writings on the extreme right party family of the third wave (1980–95). First, the prime criterion for the classification of the party family is discussed. Second, the main critiques of, and alternatives to, the term right‐wing extremism are evaluated. Third, the political parties that are generally considered to be members of the party family are identified. Fourth, subgroups within the larger party family are examined. In the conclusion, the various writings are structured on the basis of four theoretical schools within the broader study of right‐wing extremism.     

Comparison of Different Analytical Methods for the Determination of Carbon Monoxide in Postmortem Blood

The determination of carbon monoxide (CO) and carboxyhemoglobin (COHb) is of utmost importance in forensic toxicology to determine the cause of death in cases of CO poisoning, fire, and explosions. To this end, reliable and updated analytical methods are required. In this paper, four different methods for the determination of carbon monoxide in postmortem blood samples were compared: (i) the spectrophotometric determination of COHb applying the method proposed by Rodkey and modified by Beutler–West, (ii) the spectrophotometric determination of CO using a micro-diffusion-based method, (iii) the determination of CO by gas chromatography coupled to a TCD detector, and (iv) the determination of COHb by blood gas analysis. Three postmortem blood samples were analyzed with all methods, and the results were comparable. The applied methodologies showed different features depending on the sensitivity, sample preparation, and volume. The HS-GC/TCD method in our hand was the most appropriate, on postmortem samples, and versatile to apply. Unfortunately, only a limited number of postmortem blood samples were available for this study due to the rarity of that kind of intoxication in our jurisdiction.     

Over the Top: Dutch Right-Wing Extremist Parties in the Elections of 1994

In 1994 three elections were held in the Netherlands. For a time it seemed that the right-wing extremist parties were destined to break out of their marginal position. However, after these three elections, in terms of electoral support they ended up where they had started. The variation in electoral support for these parties can only in part be attributed to developments within the parties and the (negative) publicity these developments incited in the media. An alternative explanation based upon protest voting and the theory of first and second-order elections appears more promising.     

Vox populi or vox masculini? Populism and gender in Northern Europe and South America

ABSTRACT

Conceptually, populism has no specific relationship to gender; in fact, gender differences, like all other differences within ‘the people’, are considered secondary, if not irrelevant, to populist politics. Yet populist actors do not operate in a cultural or ideological vacuum. So perhaps it is the national culture and broader ideology used by populists that determine their gender position. To explore this argument, we compare prototypical cases of contemporary populist forces in two regions: the Dutch Partij voor de Vrijheid (PVV, Party for Freedom) and the Dansk Folkeparti (DF, Danish People's Party) in Northern Europe, and the Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela (PSUV, United Socialist Party of Venezuela) and the Bolivian Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS, Movement for Socialism) in South America. Populists in Northern Europe are predominantly right-wing, yet mobilize within highly emancipated societies, while populists in South America are mainly left-wing and mobilize in strongly patriarchal societies. Our analysis provides a somewhat muddled picture. Although populists do not necessarily have a clear view on gender issues, the latter are clearly influenced by ideology and region. While left-wing populists tend to be relatively progressive within their traditional South American context, right-wing populists mainly defend the status quo in their progressive Northern European context. However, in absolute terms, the relatively high level of gender equality already achieved in Northern Europe is at least as advanced as the one proposed by the populists in South America.     

“Ecoterrorism”: Terrorist Threat or Political Ploy?

This article examines the phenomenon of “ecoterrorism” from a conceptual and empirical perspective. We explore the political and academic debates over the meaning and use of the term ecoterrorism, and assess the validity of the concept of “ecoterrorism” and of the alleged threat of the Radical Environmentalist and Animal Rights (REAR) movement by analyzing the characteristics of both the movement and its actions. Our analysis shows that the term ecoterrorism should only be used for a small proportion of the actions of REAR movement. Consequently, counterterrorist measures should only target these terrorist minorities, rather than all groups and the broader movement.     

The single‐issue party thesis: Extreme right parties and the immigration issue

This article examines the single‐issue party thesis for the specific case of contemporary extreme right parties (ERPs) and the immigration issue. I define the single‐issue party as (1) having an electorate with no particular social structure; (2) being supported predominantly on the basis of one single issue; (3) lacking an ideological programme; and (4) addressing only one all‐encompassing issue. On the basis of a comprehensive analysis of electoral studies and party literature the single‐issue party thesis is rejected on all counts. At best, immigration has been a catalyst for most ERPs in certain periods of time. Their ideology and broader programe will keep ERPs in the political arena for some time to come, even in the unlikely event that immigration would cease to be an important political issue.     

Putting Canada in a Comparative Context: Still the Multiculturalist Unicorn

In a very respectful response—titled with a classic rhetorical question: “Does Canadian Multiculturalism Survive through State Repression?”—Phil Ryan supports most of the arguments that Emma Ambrose and I laid out in our article “Canadian Multiculturalism and the Absence of the Far Right.” However, he does question two particular claims: (1) that the Canadian state represses critique of multiculturalism and (2) that there are no other supply-side factors to explain the absence of the far right in Canada. In this short response, I will argue, first and foremost, that Ryan perceives Canada too much through an exclusively Canadian lens, exaggerating the tolerance of the Canadian state for far-right discourse as well as the criticism of multiculturalism by the Conservative Party of Canada.     

What has Eastern Europe taught us about the democratisation literature (and vice versa)?

Abstract. The relationship between Eastern Europe and democratisation studies so far has been highly asymmetric. In contrast to the vast contribution, both in data and theory, of Eastern Europe to the democratisation literature, the latter has been of only modest use to the understanding of the democratisation processes in post–communist Europe. Despite the growing number of empirically grounded assessments, most notably of degrees of democratic consolidation within East–Central Europe, there is still very little agreement on what exactly is democratic transition and consolidation or on what explains the seemingly widening gap between East–Central Europe on the one hand and the Balkans and post–Soviet republics on the other hand. We believe that at least part of the answer lies in two underdeveloped topics of the democratisation literature: state and nation–building (the 'third' transition) and the international dimension. Moreover, to uncover the answers democratisation studies would greatly profit from expanding its disciplinary and geographical constraints, i.e., by integrating research from, most notably, nationalism studies, international relations as well as democratization studies of the lsquo;first wave'.     

The Populist Radical Right: A Pathological Normalcy

In recent years more and more studies have pointed to the limitations of demand-side explanations of the electoral success of populist radical right parties. They argue that supply-side factors need to be included as well. While previous authors have made these claims on the basis of purely empirical arguments, this article provides a (meta)theoretical argumentation for the importance of supply-side explanations. It takes issue with the dominant view on the populist radical right, which considers it to be alien to mainstream values in contemporary western democracies – the ‘normal pathology thesis’. Instead, it argues that the populist radical right should be seen as a radical interpretation of mainstream values, or more akin to a pathological normalcy. This argument is substantiated on the basis of an empirical analysis of party ideologies and mass attitudes. The proposed paradigmatic shift has profound consequences for the way the populist radical right and western democracy relate, as well as for how the populist radical right is best studied. Most importantly, it makes demand for populist radical right politics rather an assumption than a puzzle, and turns the prime focus of research on to the political struggle over issue saliency and positions, and on to the role of populist radical right parties within these struggles.