Reviews

Aleksei Ulyukaev, Reforming the Russian Economy 1991–1995. London: The Centre for Research into Post‐Communist Economies, 1996, x + 138 pp., £9.95.

Joseph R. Blasi, Maya Kroumova & Douglas Kruse, Kremlin Capitalism. Privatizing the Russian Economy. Ithaca: ILR Press/Cornell University Press, 1997, xix + 249 pp., $16.95.

Grigory Ioffe & Tatyana Nefedova, Continuity and Change in Rural Russia: A Geographical Perspective. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1997, ix + 315 pp., $59.95 h/b.

Patrick Artisien‐Maksimenko & Yuri Adjubei (eds), Foreign Investment in Russia and Other Soviet Successor States. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996, xxi + 277 pp., £45.00.

Kazimierz Poznanski, Poland's Protracted Transition. Institutional Change and Economic Growth 1970–1994. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996, xl + 337 pp., £50.00 h/b, £16.96 p/b.

Padraic Kenney, Rebuilding Poland: Workers and Communists 1945–1950. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996, xx + 360 pp., £31.50.

Minton F. Goldman, Revolution and Change in Central and Eastern Europe: Political, Economic and Social Changes. New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1997, xiv + 497 pp., $32.95.

Jeffrey T. Checkel, Ideas and International Political Change. Soviet/Russian Behavior and the End of the Cold War. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997, xiv + 191 pp., £18.00.

Roger E. Kanet & Alexander V. Kozhemiakin (eds), The Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation. London: Macmillan, 1997, xii + 208 pp., £40.00.

Vladimir Baranovsky (ed.), Russia and Europe: The Emerging Security Agenda. Oxford: Oxford University Press/Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 1997, xviii + 582 pp., £45.00.

Walter L. Hixson, Parting the Curtain: Propaganda, Culture, and the Cold War, 1945–1961. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997, xvi + 283 pp., £45.00 h/b, £16.99 p/b.

Kevin McDermott & Jeremy Agnew, The Comintern: A History of International Communism from Lenin to Stalin. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996, xxv + 304 pp., £13.99.

Geoffrey Hosking, Russia: People and Empire, 1552–1917. London: HarperCollins, 1997, xxviii + 548 pp., £20.00.

John P. LeDonne, The Russian Empire and the World, 1700–1917: The Geopolitics of Expansion and Containment. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997, xxii + 394 pp., £19.99.

E. A. Rees (ed.), Decision‐making in the Stalinist Command Economy, 1932–37. London: Macmillan, 1997, xv + 331 pp., £40.00.

James Hughes, Stalinism in a Russian Province: Collectivization and Dekulakization in Siberia. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996, xi + 271 pp., £45.00.

Jonathan D. Smele, Civil War in Siberia. The Anti‐Bolshevik Government of Admiral Kolchak 1918–20. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996, xix + 759 pp., £50.00.

G. A. Bordyugov (ed.), Istoricheskie issledovaniya v Rossii: tendentsii poslednikh let. Moscow: AIRO‐XX, 1996, 464 pp.

Peter Waldron, The End of Imperial Russia, 1855–1917. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997, viii + 189 pp., £37.50 h/b, £11.99 p/b.

Catherine Evtuhov, The Cross and the Sickle. Sergei Bulgakov and the Fate of Russian Religious Philosophy, 1890–1920. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997, x + 278 pp., £33.50.     

Old dogs can learn new tricks--a new application of the ABFO #2 scale

In 1984 at its first Bitemark Workshop, the American Board of Forensic Odontology (ABFO) developed guidelines for the analysis of bitemark evidence. Prior to this, no standards had been established for the evaluation of bitemarks. The development of the ABFO #2 scale in 1987 gave the forensic odontologist a reproducible way to rectify and measure bitemarks that had been documented photographically. Primarily developed for the analysis of bitemark evidence, its use has expanded to encompass myriad forms of evidence. While the ABFO #2 scale can depict horizontal and vertical measurements, it is unable to depict depth accurately. The purpose of this paper is to show its successful application to three dimensions.     

Is the Effect of Procedural Justice on Police Legitimacy Invariant? Testing the Generality of Procedural Justice and Competing Antecedents of Legitimacy

Objectives

This study tests the generality of Tyler’s process-based model of policing by examining whether the effect of procedural justice and competing variables (i.e., distributive justice and police effectiveness) on police legitimacy evaluations operate in the same manner across individual and situational differences.

Methods

Data from a random sample of mail survey respondents are used to test the “invariance thesis” (N = 1681). Multiplicative interaction effects between the key antecedents of legitimacy (measured separately for obligation to obey and trust in the police) and various demographic categories, prior experiences, and perceived neighborhood conditions are estimated in a series of multivariate regression equations.

Results

The effect of procedural justice on police legitimacy is largely invariant. However, regression and marginal results show that procedural justice has a larger effect on trust in law enforcement among people with prior victimization experience compared to their counterparts. Additionally, the distributive justice effect on trust in the police is more pronounced for people who have greater fear of crime and perceive higher levels of disorder in their neighborhood.

Conclusion

The results suggest that Tyler’s process-based model is a “general” theory of individual police legitimacy evaluations. The police can enhance their legitimacy by ensuring procedural fairness during citizen interactions. The role of procedural justice also appears to be particularly important when the police interact with crime victims.

     

The “revival of communism” or the effect of institutions?: The 1993 Polish parliamentary elections

In several Eastern European countries the breakdown of communism in 1989 was followed by a surprising return to power of post-communist parties. Yet, some electoral victories of post-communists look puzzling when contrasted with a small size of a shift in voters' preferences that has led to them. Such is the case of the 1993 Polish parliamentary elections. Using partition-function form games and results of simulated elections, we estimate the impact of three factors that were blamed, in addition to the shift to the left in voters' preferences, for the 1993 victory of the post-communists in Poland. We show that the shift to the left was insufficient to assure post-communists an electoral victory, and that this victory would not have happened under the old electoral law or under a unified coalition of the Right. Our results show the high sensitivity of emerging democracies to the details of their institutional backbones.     

The Relative Influence of Different Domains of Social Connectedness on Self-Directed Violence in Adolescence

Previous research has linked greater social connectedness with a lowered risk of self-directed violence among adolescents. However, few studies have analyzed the comparative strength of different domains of connectedness (e.g., family, peers and school) to determine where limited resources might best be focused. Data to address that gap were taken from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s Student Health and Safety Survey, administered to 4,131 7th–12th graders (51.5% female; 43.8% Hispanic; 22.6% African American or Black). Logistic regressions (controlling for age, gender, race/ethnicity, family structure, academic performance, and depressive symptoms) suggest that family connectedness was a stronger predictor than connectedness to peers, school, or adults at school for non-suicidal self-harm, suicidal ideation, suicide plans, and non-fatal suicidal behavior. In some analyses, peer connectedness was unexpectedly a risk factor. Results have implications for prevention of suicide in adolescence, especially in the context of the current trend towards school-based prevention programs.     

Self-harming behaviors in prison: a comparison of suicidal processes,self-injurious behaviors,and mixed events

Self-harming behaviors occurring in prison disproportionately consume resources and cause considerable disruption. To date, theoretical paradigms have explained self-injurious behaviors and suicidal processes either via a continuum or dichotomy of self-harm. This current study examines all documented acts of self-harm (n = 1,158) occurring in South Carolina’s 28 prisons over a 50-month period. We test and find support for a tripartite schema of self-harm; differentiated with regard to suicidal processes, self-injurious behaviors, and a ‘mixed group‘ of self-harming behaviors. These groups of behaviors were distinct with regard to situational variables (i.e. body part targeted, injury severity) as well as institutional responses (i.e., medical treatment needed, employment of suicide protocols). Findings indicate that self-injurious behaviors are likely to result in physical injury and/or hospitalizations.     

Spoiler effects in proportional representation systems: evidence from eight Polish parliamentary elections, 1991–2015

I consider a model of multiple winner elections with several types of spoilers. In single-office elections, a “classic” spoiler turns a winner into a non-winner and a non-winner into a winner. Such spoilers rarely appear in multi-office elections. In such elections, spoilers include a “Kingmaker”, who turns a non-winner into a winner; a “Kingslayer”, who turns a winner into a non-winner; a “Valuegobbler”, who subtracts from some competitor more seats than it receives; and “Selfspoilers”, who may be hurt by competing separately rather than creating an electoral coalition. Various strategic spoilers, such as fake parties, are possible as well. I look for spoilers in eight Polish parliamentary elections that have taken place since the fall of communism in 1989. In two elections, the consequences of spoilers were massive. In 1993, multiple spoilers on the right helped the two post-communist parties return to power, slow down decommunization and create strong institutional obstacles to further democratization. In 2015, a spoiler manufactured a majority for the largest party (PiS) and, as a consequence, enabled PiS quickly to implement radical reforms. In other elections, spoilers had smaller, but noticeable consequences. The results suggest that parliamentary elections using PR party-list systems are vulnerable to spoiler problems that may cause significant political effects.