全文获取类型
收费全文 | 102篇 |
免费 | 7篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 29篇 |
工人农民 | 1篇 |
世界政治 | 18篇 |
外交国际关系 | 4篇 |
法律 | 14篇 |
政治理论 | 43篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 4篇 |
2021年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 3篇 |
2019年 | 6篇 |
2018年 | 6篇 |
2017年 | 4篇 |
2016年 | 7篇 |
2015年 | 1篇 |
2014年 | 3篇 |
2013年 | 21篇 |
2012年 | 7篇 |
2011年 | 5篇 |
2010年 | 4篇 |
2009年 | 2篇 |
2008年 | 10篇 |
2007年 | 4篇 |
2005年 | 1篇 |
2004年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 5篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有109条查询结果,搜索用时 156 毫秒
1.
2.
3.
4.
MARIA HELENA DA CRUZ COELHO 《议会、议员及代表》2013,33(1):56-67
SUMMARY This article focuses on the role of the Cortes in the course of two decisive moments of the Portuguese monarchy: the choice of a king on the one hand and the decision to accept a regency on the other. The Cortes of Coimbra (1385) are first analysed in the context of the political events that preceded them, in terms of the novelty of being summoned by the social forces of the kingdom, and in terms of their ideology and innovative measures. As a result, a king was chosen—King John I, the founder of the House of Avis—and reforms of a noticeable ‘constituent’ tendency were proposed. Attention is then focused on the Cortes of Lisbon (1439), which were equally unusual in their summoning and performance. There, it was decided that the infant Don Pedro, brother to the late king Don Duarte, would be in charge of the regency while the heir to the throne, Don Afonso V, was not yet of age. This prevented the queen from occupying the role the monarch had intended for her. In both cases these Cortes are very special given that they legitimated revolutionary acts which had previously taken place. This behaviour reinforces the idea that by comparison with other kingdoms in the Iberian Peninsula, the Portuguese Cortes had a strong leadership role in moments of political crisis and in the assertion of the power and social formation of the monarchy. 相似文献
5.
MARIA C. TORRI 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2014,33(4):419-435
There is a paucity of studies analysing the role of ethnobotanical knowledge for handicraft and local development. Thus, more work is required to expand the range of detailed case studies on which to draw. The objective of this article is to analyse an initiative promoted by a pioneering experience of its kind in the Araucaria region, Chile, which is centred on traditional knowledge of Mapuche communities. By identifying what lessons can be drawn from this experience, this study analyses the factors that can promote synergies between handicraft and conservation of local plants from which resources are derived for handicraft. 相似文献
6.
MARIA MENDRINOU 《European Journal of Political Research》1994,26(1):81-101
Abstract. Fraudulent activities against European Community resources (European Community fraud) can be shown to have various direct and indirect effects on the institutional system of the Community and the changes it undergoes. In a period characterized by a relative strengthening of Community institutions, fraud has become an issue in the organizational politics of the Community. Community fraud has been a symptom of strains in relations between the Community and member states as well as in intra-Community institutional relations, exposing problems and difficulties in cooperation. At the same time, the issue of Community fraud has been a stimulus for expansion in the development of the Community's institutional system and has functioned as a vehicle of various ideas and designs on the future directions of the Community's organizational structure. 相似文献
7.
8.
9.
10.
How can one explain the significant vote losses of mainstream parties across Europe in recent years? In this article, it is argued that mainstream party convergence is an important determinant of the recent political and electoral volatility in European party systems. More specifically, it is hypothesised that as mainstream parties converge on the left-right scale, voters will switch from supporting a mainstream party to a non-mainstream party in the next election as they look for an alternative that better represents their ideological views. To test these theoretical expectations, data is combined from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and the Manifestos Project for nearly 15,000 vote choices of individual voters in 30 elections in 16 West and East European countries from 2001 until 2013. The findings have important implications for understanding the recent rise of non-mainstream parties, the changing nature of party systems and the increasing complexity of cabinet formation across Europe. 相似文献