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1.
Nicola McEwen Michael Kenny Jack Sheldon Coree Brown Swan 《The Political quarterly》2020,91(3):632-640
Brexit and the coronavirus pandemic have put relationships between the UK government and its devolved counterparts under growing strain. Tensions generated by both of these developments have exposed the inadequacies of the existing, under-developed system for bringing governments together in the UK. The limitations of the current system include the ad hoc nature of intergovernmental meetings, and their consultative rather than decision-making character. Drawing upon an analysis of how intergovernmental relationships are structured in five other countries, the authors offer a number of suggestions for the reconfiguration of the UK model. They explore different ways of enabling joint decision making by its governments, and argue against the assumption that England can be represented adequately by the UK administration. Without a serious attempt to address this dysfunctional part of the UK’s territorial constitution, there is every prospect that relations between these different governments will continue to deteriorate. 相似文献
2.
Michael G. Pratt 《Law and Philosophy》2007,26(6):531-574
3.
Nicola Graham-Kevan 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2007,13(3-4):213-225
The European Union is in the early stages of developing policy and practice guidelines for dealing with domestic violence
offenders. There is a real danger, however, that that policy and practice is going to be shaped by political lobbyists rather
than academic literature and evidence-based practice. Feminist advocates control the curriculum of domestic violence perpetrator
programmes in the US and more recently in the UK and proscribe treatments that do not conform to their conceptualisation of
domestic violence. Feminist advocates conceptualise domestic violence as unilateral male-to-female violence enacted to control
and dominate women, supported by the patriarchal beliefs and systems of the wider society. Academic support for this theory
is lacking, however, and scientifically sound evaluations find that programmes based on this philosophy have little or no
effect on recidivism. Empirical literature suggests that domestic violence is not a unitary phenomenon and that perpetrators
are a heterogeneous group whose treatment should match their crimingenic needs and risk. 相似文献
4.
Incarceration rates in the United States dramatically increased over the past several decades. This trend has drawn significant academic attention to prison overcrowding and its potential effect on inmate misconduct. The empirical relationship between inmate misconduct and overcrowding, however, is less than clear. To be sure, studies indicating positive, negative, and null relationships can all be found in the literature. The current research subjects this body of literature to a meta-analysis in an effort to: (1) clarify the direction and strength of the relationship between overcrowding and rates of prison misconduct across all studies, and (2) to uncover the degree to which variation in research outcomes can be attributed to methodological differences across studies. Results indicate that prison crowding has little substantive impact on inmate misconduct. Implications of the findings are discussed in detail. 相似文献
5.
John Pratt 《Crime, Law and Social Change》1990,14(3):219-242
This paper examines current developments in the social control of youth crime and delinquency in England and Wales. It argues that the usual critical explanations of these developments, in the form of the dispersal of discipline or the social authoritarianism thesis are inadequate. Instead, it is suggested that the punishment has taken on a more effective and efficient format in the management of this problem group than either of the above would have made possible. 相似文献
6.
Conventional left accounts of Thatcherism have stressed the authoritarian nature of its political rhetoric. This paper suggests that convergences between the new conservatism and more fundamentalist moral positions, meeting on the ground of obscenity and violence in the media, are a relatively recent development, associated with renewed strategic concentration on the question of law and order. Indeed, the libertarian right, in adhering to a utilitarian laissez-faire understanding of private pleasures, has presided over a positive proliferation of erotic and other gratifications. We argue that in the United Kingdom the authentic constituency of the moral right is an increasingly socially marginal one, rendered progressively more so by the rapid development of technologies of communication and entertainment. 相似文献
7.
Nicola Yeates 《Feminist Review(on-Line)》2004,77(1):79-95
This article examines the relationship between globalization, care and migration, with specific reference to the ‘global care chain’ concept. The utility of this concept is explored in the light of its current and potential contributions to research on the international division of reproductive labour and transnational care economies. The article asserts the validity of global care chain analysis but argues that its present application to migrant domestic care workers must be broadened in order that its potential may be fully realized. Accordingly, five ways in which the concept could be more broadly applied are outlined and applications of this expanded framework are illustrated through a case study of nurse migration in the Irish context. Finally, the discussion considers future directions for empirical and theoretical research into global care chains and suggests various lines of enquiry. 相似文献
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