全文获取类型
收费全文 | 326篇 |
免费 | 17篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 16篇 |
工人农民 | 42篇 |
世界政治 | 31篇 |
外交国际关系 | 8篇 |
法律 | 157篇 |
中国政治 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 87篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 5篇 |
2022年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 3篇 |
2020年 | 7篇 |
2019年 | 11篇 |
2018年 | 18篇 |
2017年 | 15篇 |
2016年 | 19篇 |
2015年 | 9篇 |
2014年 | 20篇 |
2013年 | 47篇 |
2012年 | 17篇 |
2011年 | 13篇 |
2010年 | 13篇 |
2009年 | 16篇 |
2008年 | 13篇 |
2007年 | 10篇 |
2006年 | 12篇 |
2005年 | 6篇 |
2004年 | 8篇 |
2003年 | 5篇 |
2002年 | 10篇 |
2001年 | 4篇 |
2000年 | 7篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1998年 | 3篇 |
1997年 | 7篇 |
1996年 | 4篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 3篇 |
1990年 | 6篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 3篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 2篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 2篇 |
1978年 | 2篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 3篇 |
1970年 | 5篇 |
排序方式: 共有343条查询结果,搜索用时 46 毫秒
1.
Northern Ireland is a bicommunal society in which Protestantsare numerically dominant; Roman Catholics constitute virtuallyall of the remaining population. On the island as a whole, Protestantsare heavily outnumbered; the Republic of Ireland (the "South")has a population that is about 96 percent Catholic. Social segregationof the two northern communities is relatively distinct, andthere is little crosscutting between groups that might lessenbicommunal conflict. A reciprocal relationship exists betweenthe social system and political structures. Northern Irish politicalinstitutions followed the Westminster model, which facilitatedthe political exclusion of Catholics and impeded social as wellas political integration. The bicommunal social structure hasimpeded the development of more accommodating political structures.Geographic issues and external linkages compound the politicalproblem. Northern Irish politics can be viewed as a "dual dyad"in which the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland arecritical components. Psychological dimensions of Northern Irishbicommunalism further exacerbate the conflict. 相似文献
2.
3.
Annette Schmitt 《German politics》2013,22(3):145-160
Germany's Basic Law is claimed to represent a liberal‐democratic constitution. This article seeks to examine whether a constitution that permits the prohibition of parties (Art. 21.2 GG) and the suspension of individual rights (Art. 18 GG) deserves this label. The examination is based on the analytical framework provided by the liberal concept of toleration. For toleration to be a meaningful concept within liberal theory, it has to imply certain limits. The author concludes that the main purpose of Arts. 21.2 and 18 GG is to serve as a reminder of these limits of toleration while the practice of the Federal Constitutional Court reflects the liberal constraints on enforcing the limits of toleration. 相似文献
4.
This paper appraises the role of critical-feminist figurations within the environmental humanities, focusing on the capacity of figures to produce situated environmental knowledges and pose site-specific ethical obligations. We turn to four environments—the home, the skies, the seas and the microscopic—to examine the work that various figures do in these contexts. We elucidate how diverse figures—ranging from companion animals to birds, undersea creatures and bugs—reflect productive traffic between longstanding concerns in feminist theory and the environmental humanities, and generate new insights related to situated knowledges, feminist care-ethics and the politics of everyday sensory encounters. We also argue, however, that certain figures have tested the limits of theoretical approaches which have emerged as the product of dialogue between feminist theory and environmental studies. In particular, we explore how particular figures have complicated ethical questions of how to intervene in broad environmental threats borne of anthropogenic activities, and of who or what to include in relational ethical frameworks. 相似文献
5.
Eva Erman Niklas Möller 《Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy》2019,22(1):103-118
AbstractIn his most recent work, Sangiovanni has retreated from his stronger claims about practice-dependence. Instead of claiming that principles of justice must be practice-dependent, he now expresses his claim in a modal form, arguing that there are several ways in which practices may matter. While merely mapping out the logical space of possibilities seems to look like a modest ambition, the conditions for when practices do matter according to Sangiovanni’s analysis are easily met in actuality. Consequently, if he is right, the practice-dependent approach covers a significant number of political theories. Sangiovanni’s main claim is that higher-level principles with an open texture, which include most higher-level principles in political philosophy, justify a practice-dependent method in the form of a mode of application called ‘mediated deduction,’ according to which a thoroughgoing investigation is made of the nature of the target practice. Our task in this paper is to reject this claim. This is done in two steps. First, we question Sangiovanni’s distinction between instrumental application and mediated deduction, arguing that it remains unclear whether it marks out two sufficiently distinct ‘modes’ to do any theoretical work. Second, we argue that the practice-dependent method is not required even if two such modes are established. 相似文献
6.
ABSTRACTSla?álek and Svobodová’s paper focuses on the ideology of the Czech Islamophobic movement as seen during the 2015–16 migration crisis. In their analysis of interviews with demonstrators and speeches by leaders of the movement, they discuss first how the movement imagined its enemies, and then describe its vision of positive core values. They conclude that the movement’s key ideological features are: an emphasis on social and civilizational decline (declinism); a return to an assumed naturalness in economic and gender relationships (naturalization); and the open evocation of violence and severity (brutalization). In terms of Rogers Brubacker’s distinction between xenophobic ethno-nationalism in Eastern Europe, and the xenophobic defence of liberal values in the West, Sla?álek and Svobodová find that the Czech case fits the allegedly western pattern better than the eastern one, which may cast doubt on the whole essentialization of distinctions between ‘western’ and ‘eastern’ populisms. 相似文献
7.
Eva Pils 《Law & social inquiry》2016,41(4):888-916
In the course of urbanization in the People's Republic of China, tens of millions of citizens have experienced expropriations of collectively owned land, expropriations of privately owned buildings, and evictions from urban land in state ownership. Summarily characterizing these measures as takings, I argue, first, that some takings observed have denied evictees dignity, understood as respect for their intrinsic moral worth and moral autonomy, in addition to dispossessing them of their land and homes. Second, in dignity takings, monetary compensation and resettlement schemes may fail to reflect the harm done to evictees by framing disputes over takings as (forced) economic bargains. Third, some victims unable to seek redress through judicial avenues have been driven into extrajudicial protest and resistance. In some cases, resistance can be restorative of dignity, but where repressive state responses to resistance prevent this potential from being realized, the injustice of dignity takings can be further aggravated. 相似文献
8.
9.
10.
Eva S. Lefkowitz Patricia E. Kahlbaugh Marian D. Sigman 《Journal of youth and adolescence》1996,25(3):307-321
The current study examined the nature and style of mother-adolescent conversations, how these conversations differ by subject matter, and dyadic and individual differences. Thirty-one mother-adolescent dyads (17 boys, 14 girls) with a child between the ages of 11 and 14 had a nonstructured conversation, and conversations about conflict and sexuality. They also completed questionnaires on beliefs about acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS). Conversations were measured for turn taking, total number of words, and conversational dominance, as well as nonverbal measures of affiliation, shame, and contempt. Conversations about sexuality involved less turn taking, fewer words, and more mother dominance than nonstructured conversations. Conversations about conflicts involved less turn taking but more words than nonstructured conversations. Some gender and age differences were found. More interactive conflict conversations contained higher levels of affiliation, and lower levels of child shame than conversations with fewer turns or higher mother dominance. In addition, children in more interactive dyads possessed a larger percentage of their mother's AIDS knowledge, and worried about AIDS a moderate amount.This research was supported by National Institutes of Child Health and Human Development Grant No. HD27035.Received M.A. from UCLA. Current research interests include parent-adolescent relationships, adolescent peer relations, and adolescent sexuality.Received Ph.D. from Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey. Major research interest is in parent-adolescent communication and emotional development.Received Ph.D. from Boston University. Major research interest is in parent-child affective communication. 相似文献