EU-China relations: balancing political challenges with economic opportunities

During 2005, the European Union and China marked 30 years of diplomatic relations with much fanfare. Celebrations surrounding the anniversary however belied the fact that throughout most of this period the European Union and China remained largely aloof from one another. The strengthening of EU foreign policy over time, as well as the economic reforms and new outward orientation exhibited by China have changed the dynamics of the relationship. Both sides are increasingly recognizing the potential mutual benefits that can be accrued from a closer relationship. This paper assesses EU-China relations from both economic and political perspectives. In terms of economics, it is clear that the EU must build stronger relations with China if it is to accrue the benefits of access to an expanding market with over one billion people. To do so successfully however, the EU will have to reconcile the economic and political components of its foreign policy. The EU continues to challenge the Chinese government to reform its practices on a number of issues including human rights, democratic reform, and Tibet, all of which remain bones of contention. How the EU achieves the balance between political constraints and economic opportunities is the primary focus of this paper.

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Federalism and university governance in Canada

There is increasing interest in how universities are governed, externally and internally (Austin and Jones 2016). Drawing on a comparative case study of the governance of six major Canadian universities and the literature, this article describes the impact of federal research and innovation policy and programs on universities and reflects on Ottawa's role. We suggest that the federal government participates in the external governance of universities, but in a way that differs significantly from provincial governments. Canadian federalism appears to be generally beneficial for university autonomy and examination of its operation sheds light on factors that enable universities to sustain their autonomy.     

A Bridge over Troubled Water: Managing Parties’ Mental Illness in Mediation

One in five individuals in society has or will have a mental illness at some point in his or her lifetime. Conflict resolution theory, however, largely assumes that all individuals operate within the range of behaviors considered mentally healthy. Evidence suggests that professionals who deal with conflict, however, may have to deal with individuals who have mental health problems more frequently than would be the statistical norm. Clearly then, new theories of practice and norms of mediator behavior are needed to respond to the distinctive challenges presented by engaging with those who face mental health difficulty. This paper surveys the research on how people with mental health challenges approach and respond to conflict and provides practical advice to conflict resolution professionals on how to recognize and tailor their approach to meet the needs of these individuals.     

'The Form Most Eligible': Liberty in the Constitutional Convention

Although the framers of the U.S. Constitution agreed that thefirst principles stated by the Declaration of Independence werefundamental, they thought that the form which freedom shouldtake within the Constitution could not be discovered by a resortto natural rights (and thus declined to affix a bill of rightsto the Constitution). They rejected both the view that libertyis independence (whether of individuals or of states) and theview that liberty is equivalent to the rule of the people. Instead,they held a political view of freedom in which liberty is understoodas the scope men have for political action. The institutionsthey designed direct the use of liberty to the common good.In light of this analysis, the issue of whether the Constitution'sprovisions concerning slavery and its treatment of women areindications of an inadequate view of liberty can be answeredin the negative.     

The role of incentives in the deployment of technologies from cooperative R&D

Over 1,400 cooperative research and development agreements (CRADAs) were in place across the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) laboratory system in May 1995—indicating that a broad sampling of industry endorses the objectives of the National Competitiveness Technology Transfer Act of 1989. The law enables DOE's contractor-operated facilities, such as Oak Ridge National Laboratory (ORNL), to collaborate with companies, industrial consortia, universities, and even state and local governments. Positive impacts cited by industrial CRADA participants thus far include the improvement of existing products and manufacturing processes, the reduction of investment risks associated with cutting-edge research, and an increased awareness of important technical trends. However, such industrial benefits are often hard to measure; that represents a potential problem for federally funded R&D institutions, where metrics associated with tangible economic impacts are assuming greater prominence. Future political support for public/private partnerships may depend on steep growth in quantitative measures of economic value, based on the sale of patented products and services. Boosting such sales in a significant way, could, in turn, depend on the consistent application of incentive-based approaches that motivate individuals and organizations to aggressively pursue technology-based commercialization goals. In Oak Ridge, Tennessee, where Lockheed Martin Energy Systems manages ORNL and other DOE research and production facilities, broadly defined incentives have played a key role in facilitating the sale of licensed products and services. Cumulative sales totaled $102,000,000 in April 1995, with several innovations just beginning to enter the marketplace after years of engineering and product development. The same factors that impact technology deployment in these “stand-alone” licenses will play a key role in the deployment of inventions arising from CRADAs.     

The Effect of HAVA on Late-to-Innovate States: External Influence on Election Reform in Arizona and Illinois

As election reform diffused across the American states, therewas considerable variation in the states' willingness to innovate,their timing in doing so, and the influence of the federal HelpAmerica Vote Act (HAVA). Through the lens of the policy-diffusionliterature, this article examines the reform processes in Arizonaand Illinois, two representatives of the handful of states thatwere late in innovating, in order to test for effects of HAVAon state decision making. These "late-to-innovate" states wereunique compared with the preponderance of other states thatinnovated earlier. Typical internal variables explained whyArizona and Illinois fell into gridlock over election reforminitially, but we must turn to other (external) explanationsto understand the ultimate decisions to innovate. Also, althoughthey are similar in being late to innovate, these two statesdisplay interesting differences as well.