When discourse trumps policy: Transitional justice in unified Germany

Attempts at realising transitional justice can be divided broadly into legal-administrative and truth-telling measures. Whereas criminal trials, vetting, and restitution procedures target specific groups and tend to be short-lived, history lessons try to shape historical and political identities, with long-term implications. Most literature on transitional justice tends to focus on either one or the other, but, using the example of the former East Germany, I call attention to their interaction, which is crucial for understanding the dynamics of dealing with the communist past. In the early 1990s, reckoning with the past turned into a major preoccupation, but, soon, demands for transitional justice were overwhelmed by demands for economic and social justice and matters of identity. The legal outcome was more moderate than could have been anticipated at the beginning of the process and was ultimately defied by an equally important and comprehensive political discourse; with time, history lessons claimed center stage. Their discourse privileged retribution over reconciliation and left more potent legacies than legal-administrative restraint.     

The PDS in the new German party system

The success of the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) cannot be explained solely with a rising tide of GDR nostalgia and/or with the efficiency of PDS members as service providers and advocates at the grass‐roots level. We stress the importance of the PDS as the main political representative of a specific socio‐economic and cultural milie in the former GDR. Furthermore, the article traces the evolution of the PDS from a populist voice of protest of the losers of unification to the beginnings of a new political party. As such it defines its identity more as a radical left‐wing party with strong social libertarian characteristics than a traditional socialist party. The party programme and the electorate of the PDS display remarkable similarities to the fundamentalist wing of the West German Greens in the 1980s, although differences as to the origins of the left‐libertarian ideas remain important. While the PDS seems to have strengthened the significance of the new politics agenda in post‐unification Germany, it is still too early to conclude whether this agenda is firmly rooted in the party or whether it is simply a vehicle to electoral success.     

Besprechungen

Ohne Zusammenfassung     

Masterstatus, Familie und Geschlecht

Intention des Beitrages ist es, Geschlecht und Familie auf der Basis eines institutionenorientierten Lebenslaufansatzes neu zu durchdenken. Die Zentrierung auf gesellschaftliche Institutionen als Orte der Vermittlung von individuellem Handeln und sozialstrukturellen Bedingungen ermöglicht es, mikro-, meso- und makrosoziale Interdependenzen in den Mittelpunkt zu rücken und bisher zum großen Teil verdeckten, da indirekten Strukturierungen von Geschlechterverhältnissen auf die Spur zu kommen. Aus dieser Perspektive relativiert sich die in der Lebenslaufforschung dominierende Individualisierungs-These zugunsten der Erkenntnis, dass Individuen sich durch institutionelle Eigenlogiken untereinander vernetzt sehen, die sie in neue Zwickmühlen bringen. Der Beitrag von Lebenslauf-Institutionen zur Rekonstruktion einer Geschlechterordnung gerät zwar zunehmend in Widerspruch zu Anforderungen an das individuelle Management der eigenen Biographie, doch der relationale Bezug zwischen Institutionen scheint Familie und Geschlecht weder aus ihren subjektiven Verpflichtungsmustern zu entlassen, noch aus ihrer sozialstrukturellen Vermittlerrolle zwischen biographischen Optionen und inkompatiblen institutionellen Verfügbarkeits-Ansprüchen.     

Besprechungen

Ohne Zusammenfassung     

Women's projects and co-operatives in France at the beginning of the 19th century

Seamstresses, washerwomen and midwives establish co-operatives in order to organise their own work, independent of employers, and to divide their profit amongst themselves and to assure a reserve for harder times, for periods of sickness, for their old age. Women's collectives publish feminist magazines, including a daily newspaper by and for women; they found co-operative schools or an organisation for the support of single mothers. Women live in communes, make plans for women's houses and women's meeting-centres. And all this took place in the France of 1830–1848.In my paper, I would like to present some of the self-organised women's projects and co-operatives of that time and thereby also uncover information and sources which have remained buried under prevailing historiography. Moreover, my further intension is to refuse the commonly-held prejudice which dismisses the ‘proletarian’ or ‘socialist’ Women's Movement of the 19th century far too easily as having been ‘male-dominated’, a verdict frequently passed in Women's Studies in Germany. In view of this, it seems to me important to highlight historically the autonomous projects of proletarian and socialist women and to pay appropriate tribute to their significance for the history of the Women's Movement (not only in France!). Finally. I would like to approach a methodical problem which confronts me again and again in my work: the contradiction between historical distance and personal proximity and identification with the historical theme. By this, I mean the toilsome process of approaching history as something which is extraneous and yet related to us; this problem of, on the one hand not wiping out our present-day knowledge, feelings, values and norms from our research, and on the other hand, not using these as a distorted gauge from the women of former times.