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The ideology, propaganda, and political discourse of the Communist Party of China (CPC) have continued to function as key elements of the political system of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the post-Maoist period since 1978. In the first term of the Xi Jinping leadership (2012–2017), the CPC, for instance, elaborated on its guiding ideological concepts, devised inventive ideational framings of phenomena usually perceived as tangible (such as the “New Normal”), engaged in complex intellectual debates on crucial topics (such as “eco-civilization”), intensified and diversified its argumentation patterns and discursive strategies, and consolidated ideational governance over some citizens’ individual values, beliefs, and loyalties. Furthermore, it is often no longer possible to differentiate between the CPC’s internal and external propaganda, as seemingly exclusively domestic ideational and discursive issues increasingly correlate with international phenomena. However, the trends in the Xi era do not present paradigmatic shifts, but rather an overall reassertion-cum-innovation of previous Maoist and post-Maoist uses of ideology, propaganda, and political discourse, primarily aiming at strengthening one-party rule. 相似文献
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Maurizio Atzeni 《Labor History》2016,57(2):193-214
The paper presents preliminary findings of qualitative research, case study based, on the organization and collective mobilization of two groups of precarious workers in the city of Buenos Aires. Contrary to research that looks at trade unions’ institutional strategies for organizing precarious workers and at workers’ responses to these, the article starts with a bottom-up approach centred on workers’ self-activity. This helps to show empirically how a complex net of structural and contextual factors, which includes the spatial organization of the labour process, the institutional and legal framework and the socio-political context, creates material circumstances that generate processes of workers’ association. This approach is rooted in long-standing theoretical debates about the structuring of workers’ collective interests and action and helps to ground debates on the perspectives of precarious workers’ organization within the context of currently and locally existing capitalist relations rather than in more abstracted trade unions’ strategies and responses. 相似文献
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Giovanni Carbone 《发展研究杂志》2017,53(12):1965-1987
This paper investigates whether and how multiparty elections, introduced in many African countries since the early 1990s, affect a government’s commitment to welfare policies. We hypothesise that contested multiparty elections and turnovers between different leaders and political forces in government – even when democratic standards are not met – positively impact the promotion of social welfare. We test these hypotheses through a cross-sectional and time-series research design, making use of our new, comprehensive ‘Africa Leadership Change’ (ALC) dataset. Empirical results confirm that leaders elected through multiparty elections and countries that experience political alternations in government are associated with higher levels of social welfare. 相似文献
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Bruni M 《Journal of forensic sciences》2003,48(6):1343-1346
The aim of this study was to assess anal physical findings in children whose abuse was admitted by the perpetrator. Fifty children were studied in whom medical assessment took place remote in time from anal abuse which was admitted by the perpetrator. Medical assessment included examination to detect the presence of anal physical signs. Most frequent signs were anal scars and tags (either single or multiple) present, respectively, in 84 and 32% of cases. In some cases scars extended to the perianal region. Other signs included reflex anal dilatation (RAD) and venous congestion (VC) found, separately or associated with other signs, in over 33% of the cases. In 6% of the cases there were no abnormal anal findings. The results confirm earlier reports that physical signs, including scars, tags, RAD, funneled anus and extensive venous congestion, are often present in abused children, singly or in combination, and that anal examination should be undertaken even months after a known or suspected sexual assault. In the legal setting these physical signs are seen in association with anal abuse and support the child's statement. They do not per se provide proof of abuse. 相似文献
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Maurizio Ferrera Anton Hemerijck Martin Rhodes 《Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis》2001,3(2):163-190
This article examines the prospects for European welfare states in the context of globalization. It begins with a critical review of the globalization arguments. While there is some evidence that external constraints make life harder for policymakers seeking positive-sum outcomes, it is the combination of national debt and spending limits, plus domestic tax resistance, that really count in making expenditure-based social and employment policies more difficult in certain countries. In understanding the constraints and opportunities that will shape Europe's welfare future, globalization—crudely understood—is therefore much less influential than many suppose. While EMU has radically diminished national autonomy in exchange rate, monetary policy, and fiscal policy, there are also beneficial consequences for social policy and broader economic management. On the employment and social policy side, initiatives required to match greater flexibility with sustained security are now at the top of the EU agenda, and mechanisms for diffusing best practice across Europe are being put in place. Within this framework, European welfare states must place more emphasis on dynamic equality, being primarily attentive to the worst off, more hospitable to incentive-generating differentiation, and actively vigilant with regard to the openness of opportunity structures. 相似文献
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Psychological pain has been reported to be major contributing factor for completed suicide, and classical suicidology based its wisdom on this construct. In this paper we report the case of a patient whose family experienced a high number of suicides apparently due to an escalation of psychological pain in the family members after the successive suicides. We also briefly discuss the problem of helping survivors after the suicide of loved one. 相似文献
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Competition in public administration is often advocated as a solution to bureaucrats’ corruption. However, there are no well
developed analyses of how competition could succeed and the issue of its detailed design has not been carefully addressed
so far. In this paper, we put forward a series of models that help understand what competition in public administration can
actually accomplish. We distinguish two different shapes that corruption may take: bribery and extortion, and we demonstrate,
under the usual assumption of asymmetric information as to the honesty of the bureaucrats, that while competition is effective
in fighting extortion it exacerbates bribery. Given that corruption normally manifests itself simultaneously under the two
different shapes, an anti-corruption policy based upon competition is bound to face a serious trade-off: trying to curb one
of them through competition implies making the other worse. This result holds, with some differences, under exogenous and
endogenous bureaucrats’ “honesty”. The dual aspect of corruption is probably one of the most serious—and so far largely neglected—obstacles
to any effective anti-corruption policy. 相似文献
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Much economic policy is deliberately shifted away from direct political processes to administrative processes—political pressure deflection. Pressure deflection poses a puzzle to standard political economy models which suggest that having policies to ‘sell’ is valuable to politicians. The puzzle is solved here by showing that incumbents will favor pressure deflection since it can deter viability of a challenger, essentially like entry deterrence. U.S. trade policy since 1934 provides a prime example, especially antidumping law and its evolution. 相似文献
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Does Democratization Foster State Consolidation? Democratic Rule,Political Order,and Administrative Capacity 下载免费PDF全文
The established view in political science is that a sound and functioning state has to be in place before democracy can be introduced. State first, and then democracy. While acknowledging the existence of a basic state infrastructure as a necessary starting point, we examine the possibility that democratization itself may play an important role in the subsequent development and consolidation of the state. We do this by addressing the major conceptual and methodological shortcomings of existing research on this topic. The results of our panel analysis, covering a population of 122 countries, show that both a country's level of democracy and the interaction between degree and duration of democracy positively and significantly affect the consolidation of the state and of its two key individual dimensions, namely, political order and administrative capacity. 相似文献