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Vincenzo Scoppa 《Public Choice》2009,141(1-2):167-188
The attractiveness of public sector jobs in Italy may induce parents working in this sector to use their positions and the network of relationships to favor their sons/daughters in gaining access to public sector jobs. We verify whether children of public employees effectively enjoy an advantage, estimating a model of the probability of working in the public sector controlling for individual characteristics and labor market conditions. We show that if the father is a public employee the probability of his child working in the same sector is increased by a huge 44%. This advantage is larger for low-ability individuals, “stayers” and Southern Italian residents. We interpret these findings as evidence of nepotism in public employment.  相似文献   
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Social Justice Research - A wealth of evidence has demonstrated that individuals’ participation in collective actions largely derives from perceived group disadvantages. In the present...  相似文献   
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Critical Criminology - Criminologists can enhance their theoretical grasp of their subject through an understanding of contemporary political economy because this provides insights into politics,...  相似文献   
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The established view in political science is that a sound and functioning state has to be in place before democracy can be introduced. State first, and then democracy. While acknowledging the existence of a basic state infrastructure as a necessary starting point, we examine the possibility that democratization itself may play an important role in the subsequent development and consolidation of the state. We do this by addressing the major conceptual and methodological shortcomings of existing research on this topic. The results of our panel analysis, covering a population of 122 countries, show that both a country's level of democracy and the interaction between degree and duration of democracy positively and significantly affect the consolidation of the state and of its two key individual dimensions, namely, political order and administrative capacity.  相似文献   
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Three geographic areas of Italy have been sampled and genotyped for 9 Y chromosome STRs: DYS19, DYS385, DYS388, DYS389 I and II, DYS390, DYS391, DYS392, DYS393. Sampling was focused on residents of small areas, well distant from major urban centres. Only individuals whose grandfather would live in the same area were included. A total of 210 unrelated individuals were collected. Distribution of genetic variation across the three samples and comparison with previously published Italian database indicated that so far Y chromosome diversity has been only partially explored in the Italian Peninsula.  相似文献   
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The author describes the widely unknown reality of Italian asylum seekers in France. Ex-political activists of the left, they were forced to cross the internal borders of so-called Fortress Europe. The juridical anomaly of their status is highlighted, and their living conditions and political reflections reported. A phenomenon that most would think confined to the unfortunate victims of some Latin American dictatorship, or to the highly glamourized dissidents of ex-Communist countries, is instead occurring within democratic united Europe.  相似文献   
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If we look back at the past two decades, timing seems to point to a close connection between democratic reforms and economic growth in sub-Saharan states. Most countries in the area introduced multiparty politics and made dramatic – if incomplete – democratic progress between 1990 and 1994. Quite strikingly, it is exactly from 1994 to 1995 (and particularly from 2000) that the region began to undergo a period of significant economic progress. Because of the undeniable temporal sequence experienced in the region – that is, first political reforms, then economic growth – some observers pointed to a nexus between democratic progress and economic performance. But is there evidence in support of a causal relationship? As of today, no empirical research has been conducted on the democracy–growth nexus in the early twenty-first century's so-called “emerging Africa”. To fill this gap, we discuss the different arguments claiming an economic advantage of democracies, we present our theoretical framework and carry out an empirical analysis of the growth impact of political regimes in 43 sub-Saharan states for the entire 1980–2010 period. Our findings confirm that African countries, many of which had long suffered the combination of authoritarian rule and predatory practices, derived some economic dividends from democratic progress.  相似文献   
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