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The real losers in restructuring the former East German university system are women scholars. Women are not only the first to lose their positions in the process of Abwicklung they are also the last to be considered in the new stage of rebuilding the university system. Thus the politics of Abwicklung, has to be understood as a microcosm of the gendered nature of German unification as a whole. Unification has provided German conservatives the opportunity to roll back not only the social policies of the east, but also the feminist achievements in the west. While this process may, because of the specificity of unification, be restricted to the German situation, nevertheless many studies show that even without the process of unification, women in virtually all former eastern European countries are experiencing their ‘forced’ return to the private sphere.  相似文献   
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Abstract

Following the end of the Cold War, post-conflict democratisation has rarely occurred without a significant international involvement. This contribution argues that an explanation of the outcomes of post-conflict democratisation requires more than an examination of external actors, their mission mandates or their capabilities and deficiencies. In addition, there is a need to study domestic elites, their preferences and motivations, as well as their perceptions of and their reactions to external interference. Moreover, the patterns of external–internal interactions may explain the trajectory of state-building and democracy promotion efforts. These issues deserve more attention from both scholars and practitioners in the fields of peace- and state-building, democracy promotion, regime transition and elite research. Analyses of external actors and domestic elites in post-conflict democratisation should therefore address three principal issues: (1) the identification of relevant domestic elites in externally induced or monitored state-building and democratisation processes, (2) the dynamics of external–domestic interactions and (3) the impact of these interactions on the outcomes of post-conflict democratisation.  相似文献   
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Turkey is often perceived as a transit place for migrants and refugees from the African continent. While many indeed continue to other countries and the country still precludes official local integration, the past decade has witnessed a growing number of African migrants settling in Istanbul. This article draws attention to the opportunity structures that enable this type of settlement. The article presents the argument that it is the presence of small-scale transnationally embedded traders from the same countries that enable the socio-economic stability of their co-nationals both locally as well as transnationally. The concept that is able to account for this development is establishment in situ and establishment in mobility, which is seen as exactly the definitional barrier between transit and settlement.  相似文献   
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Participatory governance is a concept that is receiving increasing prominence. However, more empirical research is needed to clarify whether participatory governance is beneficial or detrimental to democracy. The local level is a dynamic field for participatory experiments and, therefore, particularly rewarding for researchers interested in scrutinizing the impacts of participatory governance empirically. In this article, Local Agenda 21 serves as an example to discuss both hypotheses. The study, conducted predominantly in Germany, shows that neither the supporters nor the sceptics of participatory governance are completely right. The findings about Local Agenda 21 demonstrate that this form of participatory governance can improve civic skills and social capital, but has little impact on input-legitimacy and is barely effective, i.e. reaches the goal of enforcing sustainable development only to a limited degree.  相似文献   
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Orphans have become an increasingly large percentage of the population in Sub‐Saharan Africa due to the AIDS epidemic. Debate ensues about more supportive living situations for these youth, with most research supporting foster homes over orphanages. This article compares these two situations in the country of Malawi, considering how the two systems meet material needs, psychosocial needs, and those needs created by the constraints of the nonprofit environment in Malawi. Interviews were conducted with 50 orphans, nine orphanage and foster system administrators, five foster and group home caregivers, five health care workers, and five community members. All interviewees were asked questions about the children's routine, educational experience, residence characteristics, responsibilities, free time, health care, and future prospects. Administrators and parents were also queried about the management and organization of the programs, and health care workers were asked additional questions about the orphans’ health care and supplies for it. It was found that Malawian orphans placed in orphanages have an advantage over those placed in foster homes along the dimensions of lodging, health care, food quantity and variety, clothing, and school supplies. Additionally, children in orphanages have more autonomy, and have a broader concept of their future potential. Orphanage residents view their caregivers as compassionate and loving. Finally, it was found that orphanages are more efficient in providing care and at exchanging information with other organizations. They are also easier to replicate for use in other areas than are community‐based programs. The article concludes with a discussion of the policy implications of these findings and directions for future research.  相似文献   
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