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Dallas Burtraw Jacob Goeree Charles A. Holt Erica Myers Karen Palmer William Shobe 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2009,28(4):672-691
Environmental markets have several institutional features that provide a new context for the use of auctions and that have not been studied previously. This paper reports on laboratory experiments testing three auction forms—uniform and discriminatory price sealed‐bid auctions and an ascending clock auction. We test the ability of subjects to tacitly or explicitly collude in order to maximize profits. Our main result is that the discriminatory and uniform price auctions produce greater revenues than the clock auction, both with and without explicit communication. The clock appears to facilitate successful collusion, both because of its sequential structure and because it allows bidders to focus on one dimension of cooperation (quantity) rather than two (price and quantity).© 2009 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management. 相似文献
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Natasha Binte Mohamed Ismail Marie Angeline Pagulayan Carlo Miguel Alfonso Francia Augustine Pang 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2019,19(1)
The rhetoric of then U.S. President‐elect Donald Trump and Philippines' President Rodrigo Duterte had triggered a shift in global political discourse (Greene, 2016 ). This study examines their responses on three similar crises: disrespectful remarks towards women, associations with controversial political figures, and remarks threatening geopolitical relations. Data from prestige publications, Washington Post (U.S.) and the Philippine Daily Inquirer, were analyzed during the acute stage of each crisis. Findings showed that both men employed confusing strategy combinations in their crisis responses. Despite incoherent application and contradictory strategies, they survived threats to their image as evidenced by poll results. New strategies (diversion and logorrhea) and a strategy amplifier (machismo) were uncovered. These strategies tapped on ambiguity and were found to be successfully employed in a post‐truth landscape. This study builds on Benoit's ( 2006 ) argument that “any attempt by a president to repair a damaged image … clearly merits scholarly attention” (p. 138). 相似文献
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Augustine Brannigan 《Society》2011,48(5):420-425
Reports on the UN criminal tribunals and the related hybrid courts raise grave concerns about their sustainability in terms
of costs and their legal standards in respect of evidence. The effectiveness of the current courts is compared to the domestic
prosecution of offenders from the Auschwitz concentration camp. Although the Auschwitz court failed to capture the enormity
of the crime of genocide, there are nonetheless good reasons to re-visit the use of domestic courts and other remedies for
such crimes today, particularly after adoption of the genocide law by nation states. Ideals of cosmopolitan justice behind
the UN courts are being exported to societies that are ill-equipped to apply or afford them; and domestic legal development
suffers as a consequence. 相似文献
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Augustine Joseph Kposowa Michelle A. Adams Glenn T. Tsunokai 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2010,53(2):159-181
The purpose of the study was to estimate associations between citizenship status and arrest for crimes among male arrestees.
The primary hypothesis was that citizenship status (a rough proxy for immigration) has significant effects on arrest for violent
personal crimes, property crimes, and four other selected offenses. Data were derived from the Arrestee Drug Abuse Monitoring
(ADAM) Program for the years 2000 through 2002 inclusive. Our sample comprised male arrestees only. Logistic regression models
were fitted to the data to estimate the citizenship status-crime relationship. Results showed no significant association between
citizenship status and arrest for violent crimes. Non-citizens were 15% less likely than citizens to be arrested for property
crimes; they were also less likely to be arrested for weapons offenses and drug offenses. Non-citizens were much less likely
to test positive on NIDA-5 drugs than citizens. Non-citizens were, however, 50% more likely than citizens to be arrested for
forgery/counterfeiting. It was concluded that public perceptions about the relationship of citizenship status to criminal
behavior may be exaggerated and may not be borne out by empirical evidence. Limitations of the study are pointed out, including
the fact that in the ADAM data, naturalized immigrants are lumped together with native born citizens. 相似文献
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Augustine Edobor Arimoro 《Liverpool Law Review》2018,39(3):221-238
Even though studies suggest that people do not have a choice about their sexual orientation since it is innate in them, some African countries including Nigeria continue to criminalise same sex conduct between two consenting adults. Before the administration of President Goodluck Jonathan passed the Same Sex Marriage (Prohibition) Act 2014 into law in Nigeria, there have already been laws in the country criminalising sexual relations between persons of the same sex. It appears that the Act of 2014 was motivated to show a resolve by the Nigerian government to clearly point out to certain sections of the international community, who at that time were lobbying for the decriminalisation of same sex relations in the country, that there was no intention by the Nigerian state to cave into any such demand. This paper re-examines the prohibition of same sex relations in Nigeria with a focus on whether the laws protect the culture of the Nigerian people or the moral ideals introduced by religion. 相似文献