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1.
Torun Dewan Jaakko Meriläinen Janne Tukiainen 《American journal of political science》2020,64(4):869-886
Much of what we know about the alignment of voters with parties comes from mass surveys of the electorate in the postwar period or from aggregate electoral data. Using individual elector-level panel data from nineteenth-century United Kingdom poll books, we reassess the development of a party centered electorate. We show that (a) the electorate was party-centered by the time of the extension of the franchise in 1867, (b) a decline in candidate-centered voting is largely attributable to changes in the behavior of the working class, and (c) the enfranchised working class aligned with the Liberal left. This early alignment of the working class with the left cannot entirely be explained by a decrease in vote buying. The evidence suggests instead that the alignment was based on the programmatic appeal of the Liberals. We argue that these facts can plausibly explain the subsequent development of the party system. 相似文献
2.
The evidence of regional authoritarian clustering across different world regions goes together with the finding that after the end of the bipolar world regional patterns of interaction became more important. Especially in the 2000s a process of revitalisation of regional organisations and even the creation of new regional organisations took place. Interestingly, these newly founded organisations consist predominantly of authoritarian regimes. Due to the emergence and resilience of authoritarianism in the world, the question arises: To what extent do regional organisations (ROs) play a role in this phenomenon? We argue that authoritarian protagonists which we call authoritarian gravity centres (AGCs) constitute a force of attraction for countries in geopolitical proximity – and use ROs as a transmission belt and a learning room for disseminating autocratic elements. In a cross-regional comparison, based on extensive field work, we provide empirical analysis on two AGCs (Saudi Arabia and Venezuela) within their respective ROs Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA-TCP) and tackle the questions of why and how autocracies decide to move forward multilaterally within the RO. 相似文献
3.
4.
Karl–Heinz Ladeur 《European Law Journal》1997,3(1):33-54
Though heated, recent debate on the German Federal Court's 'Maastricht' judgment may be argued to have overlooked one of the primary problems posed by European integration: the lack of new concepts to describe the emerging supranational order. The following argues that a discussion which on the one hand has overstressed the significance of nationalism, and which on the other continues to seek a 'normative' basis for a collective European order, has failed to pay due regard to the practical–functional elements of historical nation–state building. Further, such analyses have failed to recognise that traditional, hierarchical, centralised and unitary states have long been transformed 'from within' through a process of pluralisation and fragmentation. Accordingly, the 'network–concept' is tested here not only for its viability as a basis for a new conceptualisation of a supranationality which is characterised by heterarchical and decentralised relationships, but also for its relevance for the re–conceptualisation of the political and legal structures of the traditional nation–state. 相似文献
5.
Peter Drahos 《Liverpool Law Review》2007,28(1):11-39
After the Agreement on the Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) came into operation in 1995 developing countries have found themselves in a process of continual negotiation over intellectual property rights and access to medicines. These negotiations have taken place in the World Trade Organization and in the context of free trade agreements. The paper suggests that the only real win for developing countries has been the Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health in 2001. What have been the lessons for developing countries in a decade of negotiations over access to medicines? Drawing on themes of rule complexity and regulatory ritualism the paper discusses four key lessons for developing countries. It concludes by arguing that developing countries will do better if they adopt a networked governance approach to negotiation rather than continuing to rely on traditional coalition formation. 相似文献
6.
This paper explores the multi-layered representations of violence and crime in the recent Hollywood film Gangs of New York [Scorcese (2003) Miramax]. We use our exploration of this film to suggest that popular culture, even through its most mainstream products, can be seen as a critical criminological space where alternative views of law, crime and the state are made available. Rather than understanding Hollywood movies simply as vehicles for disseminating conventional mores, we suggest that they can furnish critical (and complex) points of view on law and crime and that the project of a critical criminology can be strengthened by engaging more forthrightly with these ubiquitous cultural forms. 相似文献
7.
Fukunari Kimura 《Asia Europe Journal》2003,1(2):197-211
East Asia, including Northeast Asia and Southeast Asia, has developed tightly-linked production/distribution networks through
globalizing corporate activities. The vertical chain of production in East Asia has been even more sophisticated than economic
integration in East Europe or Latin America. However, the political environment of East Asia for trade and investment has
been far from borderless. The integration effort at the policy level has been very much limited so far, due to the historical
background as well as geopolitics surrounding East Asia.
The Asian currency/financial crisis provided these countries a historical turning point. After the burst of the crisis, East
Asians realized that they have to take care of themselves in their difficulties, not depending on outside forces. A natural
choice for them was to step into the realm of regionalism. In 1998, Japan and Korea officially announced that they would discard
the long-lasting GATT/WTO-only approach and adapt the multi-layered approach, including both regionalism and multilateralism.
The ultimate goal of regionalism would be a region-wide integration including ASEAN+3. As a steppingstone, Japan signed the
Japan-Singapore Economic Partnership Agreement (JSEPA) in January 2002. In a parallel move, the ASEAN and China Leaders announced
in November 2001 the establishment of an ASEAN-China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) within 10 years.
This article will follow up the most recent advancement of regional institutional building in East Asia with the emphasis
on peculiar characteristics of economic integration in the region and discuss its implications for Asia-Europe relations.
This paper is heavily drawn from Kimura (2002, 2003). 相似文献
8.
This paper links the policy context regarding S&T parks to the objectives and characteristics of the established parks and
incubators in a relatively small, converging European country. S&T parks and incubators in Greece during the past decade and
a half have gradually shifted in terms of ownership and management from university/research institute to the private sector
and in terms of financing from public to private funds, also involving the provision of seed capital and access to venture
capital. This gradual shift toward more private engagement has created a variety of models out of which, it is hoped, successful
innovative companies will emerge in larger numbers than in the past.
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9.
Lawyers for conservative and libertarian causes are active in organizing and mobilizing interest groups within the conservative coalition, and networks of relationships among those lawyers help to maintain and shape the coalition. Using data gathered in interviews with seventy-two such lawyers, this article analyzes characteristics of the lawyers and the structure of their networks. The findings suggest that the networks are divided into segments or blocks that are identified with particular constituencies, but that a distinct set of actors with extensive relationships serves to bridge the constituencies. Measures of centrality and brokerage confirm the structural importance of these actors in the network, and a search of references in news media confirms their prominence or prestige. This "core" set of actors occupies the "structural hole" in the network that separates the business constituency from religious conservatives. Libertarians, located near the core of the network, also occupy an intermediate position. Regression analysis of ties within the network suggests that the Federalist Society plays an important role in bringing the lawyers together. 相似文献
10.