Socio-economic determinants of the family history of pulmonary tuberculosis patients in Pakistan

This article aims to assess the role of important socio-economic factors in the family history of tuberculosis patients in Pakistan. Data were collected from 269 patients, and a logistic regression was used to determine the association between risk factors and the vicious circle of TB. Results of the logistic model show that significant risk factors associated with TB history in patients were education, household size, house structure, rooms in the home, room ventilation, monthly income, income food sufficiency, smoking, diabetes, and heart disease. The current TB control programme needs to formulate strategies to target specific risk factors and poverty reduction simultaneously to break the vicious circle of tuberculosis.     

Federal policy mandating safer cigarettes: a hypothetical simulation of the anticipated population health gains or losses.

If manufacturing a safer cigarette is technically possible--an open question--then mandating that tobacco manufacturers improve the safety of cigarettes would likely have both positive and negative implications for the nation's health. On the one hand, removing toxins may reduce the incidence of smoking-related diseases and premature mortality in smokers. On the other hand, smokers might be less inclined to quit, those who have quit might resume the habit, and youth who have never smoked will have one less reason to avoid tobacco use. To assess the expected population health impacts of a legislative or regulatory mandate, we created the Tobacco Policy Model, a system dynamics computer simulation model. The model relies on secondary data and simulates the U.S. population over time spans as long as 50 years. Our simulation results reveal that even if requiring cigarettes to be safer makes smoking more attractive and increases tobacco use, a net gain in population health is still possible.     

Notes on South Asia in Crisis

Abstract

Louis Dumont has argued persuasively that the concept of caste is not simply a form of social stratification, but a way of looking at society as a whole. Dumont argues that the “Western mind” sees society as the relationship between individuals and the mass, but that the “Indian mind” sees relationships between groups (castes) and social unity. This holistic concept of Indian society is essentially religious, for it is based on beliefs and values which reflect a sacred order, undergird religious institutions, and are the subjects of religious texts. At the heart of these beliefs and values are the Hindu concepts of purity/pollution, and the karmic cycle of birth and rebirth. Both of these concepts are intimately related to the notion of Untouchability; and without them, the caste system would lose its religious legitimacy. The question, then, is whether the Untouchables accept this logic, or whether it is forced upon them.     

The Ties that Bind and Blind: Embeddedness and Radicalisation of Youth in One Islamist Organisation in Pakistan

This article explains the factors that contributed to the socialisation of youth into a radical ideology in one nationally powerful Islamist organisation in Pakistan. It argues that young individuals who join Islamist organisations do not necessarily hold pre-existing extremist views that dispose them towards such organisations. Instead, the radicalisation of personal beliefs and worldview may in fact also occur after joining such an organisation. Findings indicate that young members’ gradual orientation to an Islamist ideology resulted from the interplay of a number of factors. First, their close and significant friendships increasingly became concentrated inside the organisation. Second, participation in various organisational meetings brought a personally meaningful improvement in their skills and self-esteem. Third, the organisation bestowed power and influence on its members, both in psychological and actual terms.     

Peace or Justice? Transitional Justice in Afghanistan

The three decades of conflict in Afghanistan have taken thelives of more than a million people and the country and itspeople have suffered the gravest violations of human rights.There is a strong desire for justice among the Afghanis, butsince the fall of the Taliban, the transitional government withits base of international support has intentionally ignoredthe calls to deal with these past injustices. While Afghanistan has come a long way towards establishing democraticinstitutions, such as parliament, failure to deal with the crimesof the past threatens the legitimacy and democratic foundationof these institutions. The country has started on a path dealing with these past injusticesby conducting a comprehensive national consultation and developinga transitional justice strategy that is coherent, multidimensionaland based on the views of the public. The success of this resultingstrategy remains precarious, however, due to both the ongoinginsecurity in the country as well as its dependence upon theunreliable political will of Afghanistan's leadership.     

Problems of co-ordination in upazila administration in Bangladesh

The present government of Bangladesh has extensively reformed the administrative system and upgraded the previous thana to upazila (sub-district) to serve as the focal point of development administration. A new tier of local government called Upazila Parishad (UZP) has been created and a large number of functions have been devolved to this institution along with the placement of central government employees at its disposal. The reformers argue that the present system will remove the inadequacies of the previous administrative system and will bring about an improvement in the co-ordination of field services at the upazila level. However, the actual situation represents a totally different picture. The desired integration— both vertical and horizontal—and co-ordination in local level planning is non-existent due to the absence of any clear direction from the central government. Proper co-ordination among the field services in the upazila administration does not exist due to the anomalous relation between the upazila and the national government, including excessive central control; the involvement of multiple agencies of the central government in guiding and supervising; ambiguity in government thinking; the absence of clarification from the ministries concerned and agencies on the timing of different development programmes; and conflict over the allocation of resources. There is also conflict between the different tiers of local government in respect of authority and resources. Relations between public representatives and officials at the upazila level are strained because a clear allocation of authority to political executives is lacking; areas for co-operation among different agencies have not been clarified; and public representatives and government officials lack mutual respect.