Government 'strength' and budget deficits in advanced democracies

Abstract. Roubini and Sachs provided the first systematic test of the idea that political structure the size, composition, diversity, and/or stability of a governing cabinet - is related to budget deficits. In this paper, we take issue with several of Roubini and Sachs' choices concerning data and operationalization, and argue that their approach cannot offer clear conclusions about the relationship between national political structure and budget deficits. We test the 'strength of government' hypothesis using central government finance data on 16 countries, 1959–1990. We measure deficits in a way that maximizes comparability across countries but avoids the potential problems of standardizing by GDP. We examine carefully the definition and measurement of 'strength of government', in light of recent theoretical and empirical work in comparative politics. We perform pooled time-series regression analysis of deficit change in 16 OECD countries for the period 1959–1990. We argue that while structural differences between governments may have little impact on deficits during good economic times, they may become especially noticeable and influential during periods when governments struggle to cope with severe economic problems.     

The Forms of Collective Racial Violence

Explanations for collective racial violence in America and Britain can be classified into three: communal disorder, political contention and class struggle. The first portrays rioting as the expressive acts of aggrieved but disorganized groups, the second as instrumental action by new contenders for political power and the third as authentic class rebellion based upon socially cohesive communities. The areas of disagreement between these three are examined and their different judgements about the character of the violence is assessed. Contrary to the concerns of much empirical research, the primary dispute is over the capability for collective action which ordinary social networks accord oppressed groups. The different approaches either devalue or exaggerate the type of collective action which can be organized on the basis of informal contacts. As a consequence they fail to recognize the occurrence of a fourth type of riot, civil resistance, and incorrectly assess the powerless position which some disadvantag ed minorities occupy.     

DISTRIBUTIVE JUSTICE AND THE CRITICISM OF INTERNATIONAL LAW

Abstract. Debate concerning international justice has shifted during this century from issues of legality to those of welfare. Underlying present controversies are differences regarding the character of international society and of political association itself. One division separates those who accept the premises of the states system from others who look forward to a cosmopolitan world society of individuals. And where some identify international justice with conduct according to common rules, others link it with social and economic equality or the achievement of minimum levels of welfare. The idea of distributive justice reflects the view that law and government should promote the latter ends. This raises the question (explored here using some ideas of Michael Oakeshott's) whether the pursuit of distributive justice is compatible with international relations in terms of common rules.