构建我国食品召回制度的法律思考

缺陷食品召回制度是一种具有公法性质的行政管理制度和有效手段,在发达国家已非常完善。近年来,由于食品召回立法的缺位,在一系列的缺陷食品事件中,我国消费者的合法权益未能得到平等的保护。在市场经济和加入WTO的今天,日益成为阻碍消费者权益保护和企业竞争力增强的制度障碍。为此,借鉴发达国家的实践经验,结合中国国情,确立和完善我国的食品产品召回制度就成为当务之急。     

同治中兴:晚清政治体制模式与政治伦理的悖离

发生在清朝末年的同治中兴,虽在形式上保全了清政府君主专制中央集权的政权组织形式,但其政治体制模式却遭到结构性破坏———中央集权权力向地方督抚下移,而中兴所倚重的中兴名臣仍然抱持儒家封建政治伦理,造成清末政治体制模式与政治伦理相互悖离,双方均失去了在政治建设中的合法性和积极意义。其矛盾运动的结果,使中国近代社会政治新陈代谢的过程曲折而漫长,甚至迂回不前,并出现晚清政局特有的征象。     

国际法框架下的人民币汇率制度选择

近年来,人民币汇率及汇率制度选择问题成为国际经济中的持续热点问题之一。随着入世过渡期的结束,中国经济已经日益融入世界经济体系,人民币汇率及汇率制度问题已经成为中国经济发展中必须长期面对的常态性问题。对于这个问题的研究,不应仅限于以往研究中的币值低估与否,是否违反相关国际公约等方面的单一研究模式,而需要在相关国际法框架下,从经济、政治及国际法等多角度加以综合研究,以制定相应的长期应对策略,并在此基础上通过对国内法上相关制度的完善保证中国经济的长期平稳发展。     

Bushwhacking the Democratic Peace

The invasion of Iraq has been justified, ex post , as for the purpose of promoting the democratic peace. It does not, however, appear to have been a principal goal ex ante . Most democratic peace theorists, moreover, do not endorse democratic regime change by great-power external military intervention. Success is difficult to achieve (usually at high cost), and the conditions in Iraq were not promising even had the occupation been carried out more competently. Greater success in democratization has been achieved by UN peacekeeping operations, and by various regional international organizations using a variety of peaceful measures to ensure free elections, constrain authoritarian leaders, and empower democratic forces. International organizations, notably those whose membership is largely composed of democracies, are especially likely to succeed in promoting democracy.     

效率视野中的食品召回制度——一种法经济学理论的证成进路

2007年7月26日颁布并实施的《国务院关于加强食品等产品安全监督管理的特别规定》第9条首次确立了我国的食品召回制度。食品召回制度为何建制,其存在的根基及其体系的支撑,都需要证成。以"效率"的角度从法经济学的理论出发分析食品安全问题可以得出结论,食品召回制度对于"外部性"的有效处理,实现了"卡尔多-希克斯效率"的良好状态。     

拉美金融脆弱性的根源及启示

拉美国家普遍具有金融脆弱性这一特征。这一现象归因于结构缺陷、汇率制度僵化、过早金融自由化、高度财政赤字化和债务化等多个方面。它带给发展中国家的启示是应选择适宜的汇率制度、外汇与债务管理制度、宏观经济政策 ,以期保持经济长期可持续发展     

我国绿色食品的发展及政策体系设计

发展绿色食品是我国农业可持续发展的需要。我国绿色食品发展经历了三个阶段 ,但绿色食品发展过程中依然存在六大问题 ,必须从市场开拓、保障体系、监督管理、投入、宣传等五个方面完善我国绿色食品发展的政策体系。     

Spain: from the indignados rebellion to regime crisis (2011-2016)

Since 15 May 2011 Spain has progressively entered a political and regime crisis in which the main institutional pillars of the political system constructed in 1977-1978 during the transition from the Franco dictatorship to parliamentary democracy suffered from serious wear. This can be analysed following Gramsci's notion of hegemony crisis whose main features fit well with the current situation in Spain. The regime crisis has passed through different stages – the last being the emergence and rise in the polls of Podemos, which emerged in a context marked by the deepening of the crisis and the difficulty of securing significant social victories. To understand the meaning of this current regime crises it is useful to read history, following Walter Benjamin as an open process full of bifurcations with no linear trajectory. Spanish regime crisis opens for the first time since the seventies the possibility of a social and political change whose final sense is still uncertain.     

Autocratic legitimation in Iran: Ali Khamenei’s discourse on regime “insiders” and “outsiders”

The article analyses Ali Khamenei’s discourse on insiders and outsiders in the Islamic Republic of Iran, arguing that it shows the leader of an electoral revolutionary regime striving to counter elite fragmentation and growing democratic demands. It studies identity demarcation as a tool of autocratic legitimation. In a political system where the possibility to access political positions depends on supporting a belief-system, all cadres share a basic identity, which rulers can exploit to draw boundaries between “us” and “them”. The analysis reveals how Iran’s leader capitalizes on the existence of an insider-outsider divide to promote ideas about an imagined “we” of the regime. The “we” is portrayed as an Islamic we, fully committed to his rule. The article maintains that Khamenei developed this discourse in response to the challenge of the Iranian reform movement. It analyses, first, the context in which the discourse emerged and, second, the discursive strategy itself, to substantiate the claim. It concludes that the discourse had two essential aims in the containment (1997–2003) and crushing (2009–2010) of the pro-democracy reformist and Green movements: to de-legitimate Khamenei’s opponents through othering and to legitimate the counter-mobilization of repressive agents.     

The 2017 United Nations Climate Summit: Women Fighting for System Change and Building the Commons at COP23 in Bonn,Germany

ABSTRACT

This contribution presents a “commoning ecofeminist analysis” of the actions and perspectives of selected activists within Ende Gelände (Here and No Further), Idle No More, and La Vía Campesina (The Peasant’s Way) who are seeking system change as expressed at the 23^rd Conference of Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change held 6–7 November 2017 in Bonn, Germany. The analysis finds that women’s struggles for the commons, understood as cooperative control over the means of life, fundamentally challenge capitalist relations and affirm transformative alternatives. From this revolutionary potential, it follows that alliances, especially with those of Indigenous women and women of colour who are engaged in commoning, are crucial to making the epochal transition from ecocidal fossil capitalism to regenerative solar commoning.