鸠山的“东亚共同体”设想与东亚合作前景

2009年日本民主党首次登上执政舞台,鸠山由纪夫当选第一位出自民主党的日本首相。鸠山上任前后,在对外关系方面突出强调以友爱精神建立东亚共同体。这是一个极具鸠山个人政治思想色彩的提法。其具体内容尚不十分清晰,但鸠山的东亚共同体设想与小泉纯一郎执政时日本提出的东亚共同体设想[1],在指导思想和侧重点上都有所不同。本文拟就鸠山的东亚共同体设想与东亚合作前景做一探讨。     

日本实施FTA战略的进展和挑战

20世纪90年代末,日本对外贸易政策发生了重大转变。日本政府在1999年发表的《通商白皮书》中首次提出了要在坚持多边主义立场的同时,与其他国家或地区签定自由贸易协定(FTA)或与亚洲大多数国家签定经济伙伴协定(EPA)。日本实施FTA战略在经济上的主要原因是日本看到了美国欧盟都在积极开展区域合作,感到自己有被边缘化的危险,政治上的原因是要抵消中国的影响。目前日本正在实施与新加坡和墨西哥的FTA,同时又正在与马来西亚、菲律宾、泰国、印度尼西亚和韩国进行FTA谈判,并考虑与澳大利亚、越南、瑞士和海湾合作委员会六国进行FTA谈判。日本实施FTA战略对国内农业政策和人员流动政策提出了挑战,在国际上对美国尤其是中国提出了挑战。本文通过对日本实施 FTA战略进展作出较为全面的概述,使我们更加感到中国实施FTA战略的必要性和急迫性。     

Why Do Regulatory Agencies Punish? The Impact of Political Principals,Agency Culture,and Transaction Costs in Predicting Environmental Criminal Prosecution Outcomes in the United States

Studies of administrative behavior are keen to examine the internal dynamics of agency decision making, as well the impact of external political actors on agency actions. Yet few studies apply these findings to the question of why agencies use their most punitive enforcement powers. Contrasting principal–agent, transaction costs, and organizational culture models of agency behavior, this study examines why regulatory agencies punish. Through content analysis of nearly one thousand of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency's criminal investigations and subsequent prosecutions, 2001–11, findings suggest that punishment severity in environmental criminal cases is based less on transaction costs and political pressure and more on professional norms that value strong enforcement. These findings have important implications for explaining regulatory outcomes and administrative behavior.     

日本FTA战略的困惑

随着国内外环境的变化,日本开始逐渐放弃一贯坚持的多边自由贸易立场,转向FTA战略。但日本FTA战略的起步带有明显的被动性,这一点也反映在其FTA战略的具体动机上。日本推行的EPA模式也为其战略的实施带来了诸多困难。日本的FTA战略的走向不仅会对自身今后的发展产生重要影响,而且还将显著影响东亚区域合作的进程和走向。     

Historical review of Taiwan＇s environmental legislative adjustment and its implications under international agreements

After 1960s, the economic developmental explosion in Taiwan had brought serious environmental degradations including the air and water pollution, waste disposal, as well as wildlife problems. Since then, Taiwanese has begun environmental protection movements striving for ＂environmental rights＂. In addition, international environmental agreements have grown with great speed in the past decades. Although Taiwan never signed or joined any international environmental agreements or organizations, the development of international environmental laws still deeply affect Taiwan environmental regulations. Under this global trend, Taiwan has to cooperate with international community and to obey international environmental agreements. Thus Taiwan had passed numerous environmental laws including ＂Air Pollution Control Act,＂ ＂Water Pollution Control Act,＂ ＂Noise Control Act,＂ ＂Waste Management Act,＂ ＂Toxic Chemicals Management Act,＂ ＂Wildlife Protection Act,＂ and ＂Nuisance Dispute Resolution Act.＂ Thus the article will examine Taiwan＇s environmental administration, regulations as well as the implication under international agreements.     

美日FTA/EPA:进程、焦点、前景

拟议中的美日FTA/EPA对两国而言具有重要意义,它是区域经济合作中"竞争性自由化"的体现,也是日本推进农业自由化和加速国内规制改革的重要机制,对于亚太地区的日美同盟以及推动多哈回合多边贸易谈判同样具有积极的意义.但相比与第三方的经济合作协议,美日FAT/EPA谈判进程仍相对滞缓,目前尚停留于国内政策讨论的初始阶段.农产品市场开放等焦点问题仍是难以跨越的障碍,同时,美日FTA/EPA谈判还受到两国国内政局变动的深刻影响.推动美日FTA/EPA的若干积极因素主要表现为两国产业界的支持、较为完善的既有谈判架构、日本国内对美国经贸外压的善意接纳等.     

China in Africa: A relationship of (Un)equals in the developing world

The unveiling of the new Southern African Customs Union (SACU) Agreement in 2002 inaugurated new democratic institutional structures for SACU. The revised SACU Agreement provides for accession by new members. Although not new, the idea of expanding SACU has gained currency in recent years. It has been suggested that enlarging SACU could overcome the ‘spaghetti bowl’ problem of overlapping regional membership of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries. In spite of its allure, however, enlarging SACU membership is likely to run into difficulties as negotiations about the common revenue pool and the common external tariff become bogged down by attempts to accommodate the needs and interests of countries at different levels of development. It would also spark debate about how the revenue-sharing formula should be restructured and extended to new members. Moreover, whether SACU can act as a driver of regional integration will depend on the extent to which South Africa, the regional power, can translate its hegemonic position into a leadership role.     

马萨诸塞州诉美国联邦环保局案的述评

马萨诸塞州诉美国联邦环保局案是美国第一件具有里程碑意义的气候变化公益诉讼案件,该案体现了美国各州和民间力量通过公民诉讼方式促进政府采取温室气体减排行动的艰巨努力。该案从联邦上诉法院一审到联邦最高法院再审,始终存在较大争议,其中关于原告诉讼资格的争议更是人声鼎沸。在联邦最高法院判决中,原告仅以微弱优势胜诉。尽管关于原告胜诉的理由仍有颇多争议,但该案在明确温室气体属于《清洁空气法》的调整范围、拓展气候变化公民诉讼原告的诉讼资格以及确立公民诉讼可以促进政府采取减排行动等方面,都具有非常积极的意义。     

What does the EU-SADC EPA really say? An analysis of the economic partnership agreement between the European Union and Southern Africa

After more than 10 years of negotiations, the European Union and six members of the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) successfully concluded talks on an economic partnership agreement (EPA). The EPA is a reciprocal trade agreement under the umbrella of the Cotonou Agreement, under which all parties commit to trade liberalisation but under which the SADC EPA countries can exempt sensitive products from liberalisation so as to take account of their level of development. This article explains in detail the contents of the agreement, examines the degree of trade liberalisation, and explores the lesser known provisions of the EPA. The article then argues that part of the agreement's developmental character resides in the numerous provisions that offer benefits to SADC EPA states but not to the EU. It also highlights provisions that could be invoked to help African states in the process of economic diversification. Finally, contrary to some detractors, the article takes the view that policy space for policy-makers remains by and large respected.     

从"马萨诸塞州诉环境保护总署"案谈美国公民公益诉讼制度及对我国的启示

2007年4月美国联邦最高法院对"马萨诸塞州诉环境保护总署"案的终审判决,体现了公民诉讼制度的立法本意。该案进一步明确了公民诉讼的性质,肯定了地方政府和非政府组织或公民为适格的原告,降低了原告关于损害事实的证明负担,淡化了因果关系要求。借鉴美国制度,建立公益诉讼制度,赋予相关机关、社会团体和公民提起环保公益诉讼的权利,是我国有效治理污染的唯一途径。