发展经济学教学模式改革初探

高等教育教学模式的改革十分重要.发展经济学作为高校经济学及相关专业的一门主要学科,其传统教学模式存在许多弊端,如一般原理的学习与现实问题研究缺乏紧密联系,课程内容的广泛性与教师专业局限性之间存在矛盾等.为克服这些弊端,必须突破传统单一的课堂教学模式,向多元化、综合型、实践型教学模式发展.     

近期国内学术界对非政府组织研究综述

目前学术界对非政府组织的研究在概念界定方面,集中在包括剩余法在内的几种定义上;在非政府组织勃兴的深层动因方面,市场与政府的“双重失灵”,“市民社会”的知识话语体系,合法性建构,社会转型,可持续发展等是几个常见的视角;在非政府组织与国家的关系方面,着重探讨了导致两者合作或冲突的多种可能性;对于非政府组织在我国的发展定位问题,一些学者提出了对非政府组织不能期望过高、非政府组织本土化的观点。     

SPECIAL NEEDS CHILDREN IN FAMILY COURT CASES

This article presents a conceptual framework for describing cases involving children with special needs that are increasingly being seen in family court. Three categories that represent the most common of such cases include (1) acute, life-threatening medical conditions; (2) chronic developmental disorders; and (3) psychological and behavioral syndromes. After detailing the nature of the disabilities in each category, perspectives from the bench are offered with specific recommendations and general strategies for effective case management. This is followed by a proposal of an innovative conceptual model—the Individualized Parenting Plan (IPP)—that organizes and integrates nine domains essential for a comprehensive parenting plan for special needs children. The article concludes with a list of sixteen strategic guidelines for servicing the families of these special needs children, in their best interests.     

Measuring Economic Integration in Developing Countries: The Case of Central America

This article builds a composite index, the Central American Integration Index (IIC-AMPI), to measure economic integration. This index utilises a robust methodology and conceptual framework. The study shows that IIC-AMPI is responsive to variable changes and resistant to outliers. The findings indicate that the Deep Integration Process initiative dominates the current integration trend, as seen in the regional average score from 2015 to 2017, aligning with Guatemala and Honduras. Nicaragua demonstrates the most consistent progress, while Panama lags behind. The evidence supports the Customs Union as Central America's future integration path, highlighting the index's ability to capture the dynamic reality of economic integration.     

The territoriality of personalization: New avenues for decentralized personalization in multi-level Western Europe

In light of the increasing scholarly attention to the concept of decentralized personalization, this paper argues that the territoriality (the level of government to which an MP belongs) of an MP would also lead to variations in that MP’s incentive to personalize their campaigns. Using data from the PARTIREP Comparative MP survey, this paper tests the role of the territoriality of an MP in their incentive to personalize their campaigns across nine multi-level countries in Western Europe. Although the level of personalization of campaigns does differ according to territoriality, the underlying explanatory variables do not behave uniformly across territoriality. This paper thus draws attention to the rarely explored role of territory, and the complications it may bring to the explanation of the personalization of politics.     

Post-hegemonic regionalism in Oceania: examining the development potential of the new framework for Pacific regionalism

This article explores the early potential of the Framework for Pacific regionalism, a new political process that Pacific nations are using to establish regional development priorities. The emergence of this process is positioned within a context of a desire for a new era of Pacific-led regional development collaboration. The early outcomes of the Framework are outlined and examined. Specifically, the article questions whether it is meeting aspirations for ‘game-changing’ development goals that enjoy greater levels of ‘ownership’ amongst Pacific leaders. It also explores whether the new process canbe seen as evidence of a new era of ‘post-hegemonic’ regionalism in Oceania, characterised by a revitalisation of regional political debate; a rejection of ‘economism’; and the reassertion of indigenous and civil society concerns.     

State transformation and cross-border regionalism in Indonesia’s periphery: contesting the centre

Abstract

This article examines how the decentralisation and fragmentation of the Indonesian state and resultant central–local dynamics affect cross-border regionalism in Indonesia’s periphery. It argues that cross-border regionalism projects are best understood as sites for scalar contestation over regulatory control between central and local government. Moreover, scalar contestation around cross-border regional projects is characterised by the struggles to control relationships with transnational capital between elites operating at different tiers of the state. When elites at different scales have conflicting interests and strategies, this can cause policy incoherence, inhibiting the development of cross-border regionalism. Conversely, when they align, and intersect with the interests of transnational business, cross-border regionalism can succeed. To illustrate the argument, this article utilises the comparative case studies of the Batam free trade zone and West Kalimantan–Sarawak cross-border cooperation.     

Normative and Civilisational Regionalisms: The EU,Russia and their Common Neighbourhoods

The contours of regionalism in a wider Europe are shaped by two dominant actors, the European Union (EU) and Russia, which often have divergent visions of the regional landscapes in a vast area constituting their common neighbourhood. The EU can be characterised as the promoter of normative regionalism, while Russia generates different forms of civilisational regionalism. Russia’s emphasis on the civilisational underpinnings of its regional integration model paves the way for two different strategies: one based on liberal imitation and replication of EU experiences in order to strengthen Russia’s position in the global neoliberal economy, and another grounded in illiberal contestation of the normative premises of the EU with the purpose of devising an ideologised alternative to the liberal West.     

中国——东盟自由贸易区建设给中国区域发展带来的机遇与比较优势分析——以北京和东盟经济合作为例

本文以相关研究文献为基础,利用统计数据从实证角度分析中国——东盟自由贸易区建设中面临的发展机遇与比较优势问题。本文认为:随着中国与东盟各国双边和对比贸易投资关系的发展以及中国——东盟自由贸易区建设的不断推进,为中国外向型经济发展创造了新的市场机会和国际化环境,北京在中国——东盟自由贸易区建设中面临着新的发展的机遇;北京在参与中国——东盟自由贸易区建设中不仅具有优越的区位条件,还具有综合比较优势;如何抓住机遇,充分发挥北京在地理区位、研究开发与人才培养、经济辐射与金融服务、外向型经济发展经验等方面的比较优势,值得决策层和学术界思考。     

Virtual regionalism,regional structures and regime security in Central Asia

The failures of regionalism and regional structures for cooperation between the five CIS Central Asian states are well studied. However, explanations so far do not convincingly account for the apparent enthusiasm of these states for the macro-regional frameworks of the Eurasian Economic Community, the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. This article argues that, as with previous efforts at Central Asian regional self-organization, these broader organizations still largely represent a form of ‘virtual regionalism’. But for the Central Asian states they offer a new and increasingly important function, that of ‘protective integration’. This takes the form of collective political solidarity or ‘bandwagoning’ with Russia (and China in the SCO) against processes and pressures that are perceived as challenging incumbent leaders and their political entourage. A primary motivation for Central Asian leaders' engagement in the EAEC, CSTO and SCO, therefore, is the reinforcement of domestic regime security and the resistance of ‘external’ agendas of good governance or democracy promotion. These goals are concealed behind a discourse that denigrates the imposition of external ‘values’ and continues to give pride of place to national sovereignty. This offers little to overcome the underlying fractures between states in Central Asia.