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The media allow crime to infiltrate the public’s consciousness in every conceivable way, thereby playing a major role in shaping the public’s opinion and attitude toward crime and crime issues (Barak, 1995; Fields & Jerin, 1996; Kappeler & Potter, 2005). Reporters constantly talk about crime, and crime related stories dominate the headlines of local and national newspaper outlets (Dowler, 2003; Pizarro et al, 2007). Some of the most highly rated television programs are based on crime plots and people across social, political, and racial demographics are constantly engaged in crime dialogue generated from local or national news stories. When the focus of these mediums is on youth they become even more profound and contentious. The images portrayed conjure up stereotypes that lead to fear and inflammatory remarks that become entrenched into the national lexicon. The current study uses data from the National Opinion Survey of Crime and Justice to test the relationship between crime-related media viewership and fear of victimization within a nationally representative adult sample. Approximately 42.67% of respondents reported regularly watching crime shows and about the same proportion (42.83%) believed their local media paid too much attention to violent crime. In addition to regular crime-show viewership, confidence in the police, gender, and recent contact with the police were associated with fear of victimization. This article adds to an existing body of research through a largely unexplored area in the administration of justice. It does so within the context of the U.S. juvenile justice system.  相似文献   
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新《合同法》第一次明确规定了我国的表见代理制度,本文剖析了两大法系表见代理制度与我国表见代理制度的异同,结合法学界不同观点对表见代理的构成要件进行分析和论证,并对实践中应注意的问题进行探讨,以期完善我国的民事代理制度。  相似文献   
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This essay situates Tiqqun's Preliminary Materials for a Theory of the Young-Girl within a long history of leftist art and theory that uses the figure of the girl to respond to, reflect on, and even to attempt to subvert the various subjective crises of late capitalism. At the same time, and reading Tiqqun against the grain, it asks whether the Young-Girl might be of any use for thinking through the new questions about subjectivity and representation that neoliberalism has presented for feminism.  相似文献   
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Friendship microfilms produced by students can be used to understand how students make their relationships meaningful. Hence, in this study, friendship microfilms made by Taiwanese students from 2000 to 2013 and uploaded on YouTube were collected and evaluated through a textual analysis aimed at deriving suggestions for relationship education curricula. Four types of narrative were identified in these films. A common theme was addressing romantic concerns among close friends and the effects that follow. The films present scenarios such as ‘I want to be more than merely your friend’ and ‘A conflict arises from a love triangle’, and the predicaments related to trust, honesty, loyalty and supportiveness that consequently arise. The films also reveal the anxiety of gay adolescents trapped in dilemmas involving being neither a love interest nor a best friend and wondering whether to come out of the closet. Moreover, the practices of homosociality in the film manifest gender differences. On the basis of the research findings, this paper provides suggestions for gender and relationship education.  相似文献   
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The creative industries concept or term continues to attract attention in both developed and developing economies worldwide. However, it is not universally applied, with other terms such as cultural industries, arts and culture, copyright industries, or the experience economy used in various global locations. There is also ongoing debate and critique in relation to the creative industries concept, given that it emphasises employment and wealth creation and gathers together a range of disparate disciplines. This article explores these issues via interviews with twenty-two key leaders representing fifteen different industry organisations, advocacy groups, and government funding bodies in the Australian creative industries sector. The findings reveal only a moderate level of understanding and application of the creative industries concept, with a range of views on its relevance and utility for those working in the sector. In addition, the findings propose that there is significant potential and need for the sector to work towards a stronger advocacy position and profile within the broader economy. However, this represents a major challenge for the creative industries sector, given the existing vertical and horizontal power structures within this complex and diverse area of the economy.  相似文献   
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This article aims to review the conceptual import of the term “political mediation”, to shed light on the analytical reach of indirect politics, whose scope of possibilities has been usually thought of as confined within the opposites of political representation and clientelism. An analytical exercise is put forth as a possible and tentative means not only to establish a vocabulary which may be more sensitive towards present time demands, but also to –in Bunge's words– initially allow for the reinterpretation of older symbols of our political vocabulary. Towards this goal, besides a linguistic and conceptual itinerary of the term “mediation”, each of the three analytical dimensions of indirect politics is developed, favoring dialogue with theories of representation, which channels into an analytical model we call the “cube of indirect politics”. The article ends with a brief case-classification exercise aimed at showing the displacement produced by the model in the understanding of given experiences in indirect politics.  相似文献   
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The EU referendum has raised questions about the nature of democracy, which is not just majority rule. It is wrong to claim that direct democracy has now replaced representative democracy, as Parliament is required to answer all the questions that the referendum did not. The conduct of the referendum reflected the worst aspects of Britain's political culture of sterile adversarialism. Both left and right have shared assumptions about governing that have made it difficult to develop a culture of democratic citizenship. The political system still reflects its pre‐democratic origins (as in the survival of a House of Lords and the obsession with titles) and the role of money in politics represents a form of corruption. Institutional reforms depend for their success on the nurturing of a democratic culture, which is a task for many hands.  相似文献   
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民主党派利益代表机制研究   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
利益是政党活动的核心,政党政治是实现各种复杂的社会利益最权威的活动.在我国,民主党派参政虽然是民主的政治活动,但也必然围绕着利益展开活动,其核心就在于如何在实现该政党所代表的阶层的政治、经济利益的同时保证不同社会阶层之间利益的公正协调.因此,充分发挥参政党的利益代表功能,趋利弊害,对于实现社会和谐与均衡发展均有重要意义.本文从上述视角出发,着重探讨了民主党派利益代表机制的基本内涵以及其顺利实现对社会和谐的意义.  相似文献   
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"始终代表先进生产力的发展要求",运用生产力是一切社会发展的根本动力,是社会进步的最高评价标准的原理,指明了执政党自身建设的根本目标;"始终代表先进文化的前进方向",从意识形态和科学文化对社会发展起积极作用的原理出发,指明了执政党思想文化建设的时代方向;"始终代表最广大人民的根本利益",从人民群众是历史的主体和创造者原理的高度,揭示了执政党生命的源泉.  相似文献   
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