全文获取类型
收费全文 | 2110篇 |
免费 | 76篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 322篇 |
工人农民 | 70篇 |
世界政治 | 167篇 |
外交国际关系 | 216篇 |
法律 | 178篇 |
中国共产党 | 104篇 |
中国政治 | 162篇 |
政治理论 | 627篇 |
综合类 | 340篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 30篇 |
2022年 | 8篇 |
2021年 | 40篇 |
2020年 | 90篇 |
2019年 | 110篇 |
2018年 | 106篇 |
2017年 | 136篇 |
2016年 | 113篇 |
2015年 | 70篇 |
2014年 | 126篇 |
2013年 | 353篇 |
2012年 | 108篇 |
2011年 | 105篇 |
2010年 | 77篇 |
2009年 | 85篇 |
2008年 | 86篇 |
2007年 | 86篇 |
2006年 | 79篇 |
2005年 | 79篇 |
2004年 | 98篇 |
2003年 | 74篇 |
2002年 | 45篇 |
2001年 | 41篇 |
2000年 | 23篇 |
1999年 | 10篇 |
1998年 | 6篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有2186条查询结果,搜索用时 140 毫秒
1.
Karol Czuba 《Third world quarterly》2019,40(3):558-577
State-making processes that occur in peripheral areas and the role that local political elites play in such processes have not been adequately explored by scholars. This article investigates these important phenomena through the lens of the Ugandan state’s presence in Karamoja, in the country’s northeast, which until the early years of the twenty-first century was very limited. Rapid extension of the power of the Ugandan state in the region, upon which the country’s rulers have embarked in the last decade, has radically altered existing governance arrangements in Karamoja and led to the formation of a subordinate Karamojan political elite. This elite has been instrumental in government efforts to establish control over the region’s population and shaped this state-making process in important ways. 相似文献
2.
Ihwan Susila Raja Nerina Raja Yusof Anton Agus Setyawan Farid Wajdi 《Journal of Political Marketing》2020,19(1-2):153-175
Communication in political marketing plays an important role in political mobilization, building trust both in political actors and the government. Politicians construct their messages through careful branding as the power of the cultural symbols and signs conveyed through the brand are potent heuristic devices. This is particularly important in emerging democracies, where there is limited political knowledge and understanding. Therefore, this research explores how young voters understand the symbolic communication fashioned by political actors in Indonesia and how it relates to their brand. Indonesia is an interesting area for study; it is both secular and the world’s largest Muslim democracy. Using a phenomenological approach, a total of 19 in-depth interviews with young voters were conducted to gain rich insight into perceptions of the complexity of political symbolism, and trust among young voters. This study conceptualized political communication as a dual approach. The political brand promise is intrinsically linked to cultural references and conveyed through symbolic communication combined with a distinctive brand message. This builds trust, which then affects political participation. This conceptual framework provides insights into the importance of culture in branding which has implications for policy makers and actors in emerging and established democracies. 相似文献
3.
Nicola McEwen Michael Kenny Jack Sheldon Coree Brown Swan 《The Political quarterly》2020,91(3):632-640
Brexit and the coronavirus pandemic have put relationships between the UK government and its devolved counterparts under growing strain. Tensions generated by both of these developments have exposed the inadequacies of the existing, under-developed system for bringing governments together in the UK. The limitations of the current system include the ad hoc nature of intergovernmental meetings, and their consultative rather than decision-making character. Drawing upon an analysis of how intergovernmental relationships are structured in five other countries, the authors offer a number of suggestions for the reconfiguration of the UK model. They explore different ways of enabling joint decision making by its governments, and argue against the assumption that England can be represented adequately by the UK administration. Without a serious attempt to address this dysfunctional part of the UK’s territorial constitution, there is every prospect that relations between these different governments will continue to deteriorate. 相似文献
4.
Katy Hayward 《The Political quarterly》2020,91(1):49-55
The experience of the 2019 general election in Northern Ireland took a very different course to that of the rest of the UK and, indeed, to the pattern of electoral politics typical of the region. Coming after almost three years with no functioning devolved government, combined with intense disagreement and uncertainty about Brexit, voters were ready to give a message to the two largest parties. Both Sinn Féin and the DUP suffered losses in the election, with the headline outcome being that unionism no longer holds the majority of seats for Northern Ireland in Westminster. More generally, there was a swing from both sides towards centre ground voting, which brought significant gains for the Alliance Party and the SDLP. This article summarises the reasons for this broad trend, focussing on the conditions and electoral pacts which brought it about. It also considers what it might mean for the prospects for Irish unification, noting that a referendum on unification will only be passed by attracting votes from those who tend to see themselves as neither unionist or nationalist. 相似文献
5.
ALDO MADARIAGA 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2019,38(4):453-470
Environmental policy in Chile has developed rapidly in recent years, and the country has become a regional leader in renewable energy, climate change policy, recycling, and nature conservation. This contrasts with the previous neglect of environmental issues in the country and its depiction as a ‘green laggard’ (Orihuela, 2014: 251) within Latin America. In this article the recent development of environmental policy in Chile is reviewed and five factors affecting this development are analysed: international influences, institutional legacies, a window of opportunity opened by environmental movements, policy entrepreneurship, and business power. 相似文献
6.
张亚泽 《中共云南省委党校学报》2003,4(4):22-25
合法性是关系到党和国家政权生死存亡的根本问题。“文革”结束后,维护党和国家政权的合法性问题凸现出来,邓小平正确处理了毛泽东的意识形态遗产,开始重建法理权威,并通过促进经济发展和反腐败树立政府形象的方法维护了政治的合法性。新时期我们仍面临着合法性维护的问题,邓小平的实践为整个现代化进程中的合法性维护提供了诸多有益启示。 相似文献
7.
造成冲击铁路群体性治安事件的原因是复杂的 ,多方面的 ,既有主观方面的原因 ,也有客观方面的因素。对此笔者从政治、经济、社会、文化和心理五个方面进行了分析 ,阐明了带有普遍规律性和特殊性的结论。 相似文献
8.
东南亚国家独立初期"民主试验"的失败及现阶段民主制度的"危机"和民主制度本身并没有本质的、必然的联系,民主制的发展困境是由于与民主制度相适应的民主治理方式未能有效建立,治理方式不能与民主体制相适应造成的。从"统治"到"治理"不仅是一种范式的变迁,也是国家治理方式的转换。未来东南亚国家的民主巩固进程将是一个艰巨的"双重民主化"进程即实现政治体制和管理方式的双重转型。 相似文献
9.
Brian Masshardt 《East Asia》2007,24(3):319-335
Prime Minister Koizumi’s six consecutive annual visits to Yasukuni shrine played a key role in initiating a new phase of domestic
citizen political mobilization not seen since the early 1970s. This paper is based on field research during the Koizumi years
(2001–2006) centering on domestic groups that conduct activities in “protection” of or “opposition” to Yasukuni shrine. As
a study of street-based politics, this paper seeks to uncover the processes, strategies, and outcomes of citizen responses
to elite political action at Yasukuni Shrine as well as explore meaning of their actions within the context of Japan’s democratic
polity.
Brian Masshardt is Lecturer, Musashi University, and a Ph.D. Candidate, University of Hawaii-Manoa, whose research addresses the political aspects of Yasukuni in the context of domestic politics and citizen’s movements. His doctoral dissertation, entitled ‘Democracy and Yasukuni: Citizen Reaction to political action at Yasukuni Shrine, 2001–2006’ has served as the basis for conference presentations on Yasukuni and its attendant controversies. 相似文献
Brian MasshardtEmail: |
Brian Masshardt is Lecturer, Musashi University, and a Ph.D. Candidate, University of Hawaii-Manoa, whose research addresses the political aspects of Yasukuni in the context of domestic politics and citizen’s movements. His doctoral dissertation, entitled ‘Democracy and Yasukuni: Citizen Reaction to political action at Yasukuni Shrine, 2001–2006’ has served as the basis for conference presentations on Yasukuni and its attendant controversies. 相似文献
10.
行政相对人知情权是民主政治的重要组成部分 ,是防止行政权力腐败的有力措施 ,也是市场经济体制的必要要求。在“官本位”传统十分严重的中国 ,目前行政相对人知情权在理论和实践上均与世界发达国家差距甚远。笔者从知情权概念和价值入手 ,分析了我国行政相对人知情权制度发展滞后的历史成因 ,并为我国行政相对人知情权的完善提出了一些建议和意见。 相似文献