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1.
中国中央与地方关系基本判断:一项研究综述   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
中央与地方关系问题已成为中国制度转型中的一个轴心问题.改革开放以来,中国的中央与地方关系发生了深刻的变化,这在一定程度上直接影响着中国国家能力的维持与发展.本文把当前理论界有关中国中央与地方关系变化的基本判断归纳为"中央主导型"、"地方主导型"和"中央地方混合型"三种观点,并对每一种观点进行了系统的评述.本文最后对上述三种观点进行了总结和讨论.  相似文献   
2.
垂直管理体制,作为我国政府行政体制改革进程中一种重要的机构组织形式和调节中央与地方关系的常态手段,其运行属于行政组织法规制的内容。垂直管理部门的设立与变更,以及垂直管理机构与上级职能机构和地方政府的关系应当在法律规范的框架内运行。对于垂直管理的模式,应当有相关法律法规或者是规范性的文件进行指导,并对其进行后续行政监督。  相似文献   
3.
基于Christopher Hood公共管理三重价值的视角,选取元以降(元、明、清、民国)四个历史单元为案例,审视和比较其地方行政的演化轨迹、横纵架构和运行成效。尝试一个“西方当代公共管理理论”和“中国古代地方行政实践”相结合的独特研究路径,结合“管理模型”和“史料分析”,构建一个地方行政价值实现的框架模型(LAVAM),探究地方行政的纵向组织层级、横向权力统分与公共管理三重价值——公正、效率、稳健之间的联系与规律,以现代公共管理理论和研究方法剖析元以降地方行政历史演化的客观规律和内在逻辑,启迪地方行政改革与央地关系探索“,以今审古”“、以古鉴今”。  相似文献   
4.
There is a growing consensus among economists that the most procompetitive strategy for restructuring public utility enterprises includes complete vertical separation of the network or grid portion of a sector from other parts of the sector where competition is to be created. Although exceptions to this rule are readily granted, it is generally considered that any alternative strategy may pay a high cost in terms of discriminatory access to the grid by non-integrated entrants into the new competitive sector. This consensus is somewhat surprising in light of the simultaneous growth of transactions cost economics, with its emphasis on the benefits of close vertical relationships—including vertical integration—in the face of complexity, unforeseeable contingencies, and problems with contract law enforcement. These issues are considered in the context of a Russian railways restructuring plan which may, or may not, involve complete vertical separation.
Russell PittmanEmail:
  相似文献   
5.
Abstract

Citizen participation is one of the core values of democracy. Democratization means an increase in citizen participation in public affairs. However, the issue of democratization is rarely studied in the field of public administration. In this article, we use the Taipei City Government (TCG) Citizen Complaints System to illustrate some tensions relating to citizen participation in a newly democratizing country. We interviewed the TCG officials to piece together the puzzle of how the citizen complaints system works. Furthermore, we conducted a survey on how each channel and media is used by citizens to file their complaints. Then, we focused on the development of the Taipei City Mayor's e‐mail box to see how the tension between participation and cost is handled by utilizing newly emerging information technology. We then evaluate these developments in terms of publicity, accessibility, and accountability suggested by Senevirante and Cracknell (Seneviratne, M.; Cracknell, S. Consumer complaints in public sector services. Public Admin. 1988, 66, 181–193). Accordingly, we propose suggestions for improvement from these three aspects for TCG and other governments as well to establish a citizen complaints system that substantiates democracy.  相似文献   
6.
Recent studies show that policy changes appear to correspond primarily to the preferences of citizens with high socio-economic status. However, the mechanisms explaining this trend remain largely unexplored. In this paper, I look closer at the role of political representatives as the critical factor connecting citizens’ opinions and policy changes. While the link between public opinion and elite opinion as well as the link between public opinion and policy output is relatively well studied, few studies have looked at the entire relationship between public opinion, elite opinion, and policy output concerning social groups. This paper combines data from Swedish election studies, surveys with members of parliament, and a database of policy change. It shows that representatives’ opinions reflect advantaged groups better than disadvantaged groups. Similar biases are found in policy responsiveness; policy changes correspond more closely to the opinions of the advantaged groups.  相似文献   
7.
This article presents a model for a drug law enforcement policy whose objective is harm reduction, including the net cost of law enforcement, social harm and surplus of agents. We consider a vertically organized distribution system with two levels, traffickers and retailers. The two questions concern which type of sellers have to be prosecuted and which law enforcement policy should be implemented that is, the probability of being caught and the severity of the punishment. We show that a trafficker-oriented law enforcement regime can avoid counter-productive policies. Moreover, decriminalization or depenalization is optimal under some conditions depending on the relationship between social harm and consumption.  相似文献   
8.
本文以两个案情相似但结果迥异的民事案例为切入点,通过对笔录的分析,勾勒出我国基层法官在民事庭审中对事实认定呈现的两种面孔——回应型和能动型;同时,两位法官均不是纯粹的回应型和能动型面孔,又恰恰反映出当下我国基层法院法官在民事庭审事实认定中出现的两种面孔融合趋势,即法官的有限能动面孔。本文通过访谈方式、运用数据分析、成本分析及价值权衡等研究方法,分析两种面孔之成因并指出其融合之必要性,最后得出完善我国法官释明权制度,确立有限能动庭审面孔的结论。  相似文献   
9.
Subnational entities in federal states typically retain a degree of sovereignty and enjoy leeway in implementation, raising questions such as whether—and how—international law is actually implemented at the subnational level. This article sheds light on these questions, using two contrasted case studies in Switzerland: The Istanbul Convention on domestic violence and the European Union (EU) Directive 2016/680 on data protection. Based on a document analysis of the law-making process and 44 semi-structured interviews with national and subnational political actors, we observe how international obligations are legally implemented, that is, transposed into legislation at the subnational level. Our results show that: (1) Subnational civil servants play a decisive role, while members of parliament are marginal. (2) Civil servants may constitute Vertical Epistemic Communities (VECs), which are able to “technicize” the issue to ensure swift implementation through administrative venues. (3) VECs are particularly influential as they use intercantonal conferences as institutional platforms to shape implementation processes. Otherwise, implementation becomes politicized, and its success strongly depends on subnational politics.  相似文献   
10.
美国文官制度经历了从政党分肥制到现代功绩制的深刻变革,至1978年,卡特政府创建了高级文官制度,在政务官之下、普通文官之上设置高级文官阶层。高级文官作为连接政务官和普通文官的桥梁和纽带,突破了政治与行政的界限,将政治家和官僚的角色融为一体,扮演着既是领导者,又是管理者的角色,在联邦政府中起着承上启下的作用,全面提升了政府的政治和技术回应性。但高级文官中政治任命的非常任高级文官更换频繁,与竞争晋升的常任高级文官和普通文官之间,又产生了新的矛盾和冲突,造成政府优秀人才的流失。从历史的角度,认真总结美国文官制度变革的经验与教训,对于我国公务员制度建设,特别是高级公务员制度建设,具有重要意义。  相似文献   
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