清代民族边缘地区宗族组织的形成与乡村社会转型——以鄂西南土家族为中心的考察

以鄂西南土家族社区为例考察民族边缘地区的宗族组织,清代中后期,宗族组织在土著大族的基础上正式形成,并呈现出与汉族社会趋同的特征,在乡村社会中发挥着基层控制的作用,体现了民族边缘地区乡村社会转型的进程。     

COMMUNITY ACCOUNTABILITY,MINORITY THREAT,AND POLICE BRUTALITY: AN EXAMINATION OF CIVIL RIGHTS CRIMINAL COMPLAINTS*

A growing body of evidence shows that minorities are disproportionately the targets of police brutality, but important theoretical questions about the causes of that inequity remain unanswered. One promising line of research involves structural‐level analyses of the incidence of police brutality complaints; however, existing studies do not incorporate variables from alternative theoretical explanations. Drawing on the community accountability hypothesis and the threat hypothesis, we tested the predictions of two prominent structural‐level explanations of police brutality in a study of civil rights criminal complaints. The study included cities of 150,000+ population (n = 114). The findings reveal that two community accountability variables—ratio percent Hispanic citizens to percent Hispanic police officers and the presence of citizen review—were related positively to police brutality complaints, partially supporting that perspective. Two threat hypothesis measures of threatening people—percent black and percent Hispanic (in the Southwest)—were related positively to complaints, as predicted. The relative degree of support for the two hypotheses is assessed.     

Herzl on discrimination in Der Judenstaat

Theodor Herzl published his programmatic book The Jewish State in February 1896. Central to it was the discrimination (and hatred) commonly known as anti-Semitism. Herzl viewed anti-Semitism as the heart of the Jewish Question but also as the potential motivator for Jews to achieve a Jewish state. Herzl's analysis of anti-Semitic discrimination is in many aspects similar to present sociological theories of middle-class minorities. His discussion of the economic aspects is compared with Gary Becker's theory of discrimination, and similarities as well as differences are pointed out.     

School Belonging,Self-Esteem,and Depressive Symptoms in Adolescents: An Examination of Sex,Sexual Attraction Status,and Urbanicity

Using data from Wave II of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health; Bearman, P. S., Jones, J., and Udry, J. R. http://www.cpc.unc.edu/projects/addhealth/design.html, 1997), we conducted multivariate analyses to examine three indicators of psychosocial adjustment (school belonging, self-esteem, depressive symptoms) and their associations with sexual attraction status, sex, and urbanicity. In general, sexual minority adolescents reported lower psychological adjustment than adolescents endorsing other-sex attractions only, with sexual minority females at particular risk. Further, differential patterns of risk for sexual minority youth emerged across rural, urban, and suburban communities. We conclude by discussing implications of these findings for addressing the psychosocial needs of sexual minority adolescents.     

弱势群体对社会稳定的影响

我国目前弱势群体在承受“弱势”所带来的种种伤害的同时,正以一种极具破坏性的 方式表达为“强势”,并迫使社会在承受和消弭其影响时支付日益高昂的成本。这种社会机器内部 的撞击,已经严重地影响了整体运行的安全性和稳定性,而确立公平则是解决问题的前提和基础。     

落实科学的发展观 统筹城乡协调发展——论民族地区城乡协调发展与全面建设小康社会

树立科学的发展观,统筹民族地区城乡经济社会发展,要以农民增收为核心,以加快发展县域经济为途径,以城镇化和工业化为载体,走以城带乡、以工扶农、以商促农、城乡互动、协调发展的道路.     

合理开发利用贵州少数民族传统体育推动贵州旅游业的发展

贵州少数民族传统体育融音乐、舞蹈、体育为一体,是民族文化的表现形式,是重要的民族文化旅游资源。从旅游业的角度,本文从少数民族体育具有的开发利用价值、开发利用的必要性,论述了贵州少数民族传统体育的开发利用对贵州旅游业发展的积极推动作用,并分析了对其开发利用必须坚持的原则和措施。     

公务员制度与少数民族干部培养的机制建设

要保证民族干部培养的高标准要求,必须结合党和政府有关干部人事制度改革的政策以及民族区域自治的法律规定,以国家公务员制度为基本框架,进行少数民族干部培养的有效机制建设。     

少数民族地区农村的社会控制与法治建设

在少数民族农村, 存在着性质不同、类型多样、机制复杂和作用各异的社会控制,构成了一个复杂的社会控制体系。民族农村的社会秩序不是某种社会控制单向作用的结果, 而是多元的规范和不同性质的社会控制机制之间复杂的互动所建构的。在具体的纠纷个案中正式社会控制与非正式社会控制具有相互替代的可能, 但是就秩序建构的总体过程来看, 二者又不可相互替代, 民族农村法治建设的关键是处理好不同社会控制之间的关系。     

Between Christian and multicultural democracy: religious legacies and minority politics

The article presents a comparative analysis of the religious underpinnings of 19 liberal democracies in the West and their relevance for contemporary minority politics. The democratic relevance of religion is conceptualised as stemming from actors (churches, religious parties) and from historical and structural factors such as confessional patterns, relationships between state and church and degrees of secularisation in 19 democracies with a Christian background. The article’s historical mapping demonstrates that democratic development has occurred in distinct patterns rooted in the Catholic?Protestant divide. It then demonstrates that there are distinct effects of this divide on minority politics. It is hypothesised that in line with the confessional patterning of democratisation, Catholic countries and actors seem to be more resistant to the pressures arising from religious pluralisation than Protestant ones and that, even after 9/11, there is no cross-national or cross-confessional convergence in these responses.