浅析现代民主政治

有史以来,"政治"似乎一直是人们不愿亲近的东西。但现代民主政治,是老百姓的柴米油盐,和人们的切身利益紧密相关,谁也没有理由逃避。文章在探讨现代政治原则的基础上,探讨了实现民主政治的条件和培育良好的民主政治的途径。     

权力关系中的法治秩序──对西欧中世纪政治结构的分析

西欧中世纪在法治秩序的形成过程中是至为重要的时期。根据统治制度和社会结构的变迁,本文将中世纪划分为三个阶段：封建制时期、等级制时期和绝对主义时期,并逐一对上述三个阶段的政治结构加以分析,试图在权力关系的变革中探寻其与法治秩序的“隐喻”关联。通过“顺流而下”的历史描述,本文意在进一步“逆流而上”建构出法治秩序的制度条件,以期对当下中国的法治建设有所助益。     

妇女文学的长时段考察——从王萌《禁锢的灵魂与挣扎的慧心——晚明至民国女性创作主体意识研究》说起

长期以来,在中国传统妇女文学研究中,人们习惯于用现代的认知方式观察传统,运用现代知识阐释传统问题,不可避免地造成对妇女文学的误解和遮蔽,无法正确地看待妇女文学的德性诉求。对这一问题进行梳理和辨析,并探寻对其德性品格进行现代传承的可能性,具有重要的学术价值。     

Guilt and the origins of modern law

Abstract

Tracing the history of legal concepts from the decline of European feudalism to the Reformation, this paper examines ways in which the concept of guilt shaped the first evolution of modern law, and it claims that the early revolutionary junctures in the construction of the law were centred around specific and distinctive conceptions of guilt. It argues that, through the history of medieval and early-modern European society, the law learned positively to abstract and account for itself through internally formative exchanges over the subject of guilt, and changes in law's observation of guilt reflected a growing refinement in law's societal sensibility, in its inclusivity, in its patterns of imputation and in its positive powers of self-legitimation. Guilt formed the term around which the law enacted the necessary stages of its social adaptation and produced constructs to underwrite the requirement for general, abstracted and positively inclusive law that constitutes modern society. The ultimate result of guilt's evolution as a legal figure became visible in the fact that the law progressively intensified its positivity and inclusivity, and it amplified the legal and normative resources that it permitted modern societies to store, utilize and reproduce.     

对中国传统农村社会的两点诠释

建设社会主义新农村,很有必要了解中国传统的农村社会的状况。而中国传统农村社会在理论上如何表述和定位,如何看待传统农村社会的特点,既是长期以来理论界争论的焦点问题,也是我们在实践中要继续面对的现实问题。     

中国古代监狱职官制度考

中国古代监狱职官制度是中国古代监狱制度的重要内容之一，其发展和完善标志着中国古代监狱制度与刑罚制度逐渐走向文明。中国古代监狱职官制度奠基于奴隶制时期，发展和完善于封建制时期。中央和地方行政官吏统辖司法、狱政大权，此乃中国古代监狱官员制度一大特点，这对后世之政治、经济、文化诸方面影响深远。     

Hegel,Haiti and revolution: the post-colonial moment

Abstract

Susan Buck-Morss’s argument that the Haitian Revolution embodied the most universal aspect of the French Revolution, namely the quest for universal freedom, relies on the supposed references to Haiti in the master–slave dialogue in Hegel’s Phenomenology of Spirit. The revolution’s lodgement at the core of this foundational text of Enlightenment universalism is, for her, about as convincing a demonstration as one can have of the universal significance of the Haitian Revolution. Marxists have opposed her venture, and demonstrated their hostility to post-colonial thinking, principally by claiming that the master–slave is an expression of European class conflict. This paper agrees with Buck-Morss that the Haitian Revolution critically affirmed the principle of universal freedom and, indeed, pushed the revolution in France and Europe in a radical direction. A better affirmation of the universal significance of the Haitian Revolution than the thoughts of Hegel is possible. The latter do not actually provide such affirmation, because racism, Eurocentrism and a hostility to political radicalism are fundamental aspects of Hegel’s thought. The alternative affirmation can be found in Marxist analysis. This paper outlines such an analysis, and concludes that post-colonialism of Buck-Morss’s sort is no substitute for the perspective provided by historical materialism.     

Reinventing the Hong Kong state or rediscovering it? From low interventionism to eclectic corporatism

Abstract

The low-intervention state of Hong Kong in colonial times did not originate from strong neo-liberal ideological convictions. It was an artefact of the colonial political configuration, a pragmatic governing strategy adapting to the political and economic needs at the time. Political changes, economic restructuring, divestiture and marketization of state institutions since the 1980s had brought a new state form after 1997. A new business and professional elite class, embedded in an eclectic corporatist structure, evolved and brought multilateral, ad hoc and particularistic bargaining, leading to more sectoral intervention after 1997. Fragmented state institutions nonetheless weakened state capacity, making it difficult for the post-1997 state to be highly penetrative, transformative or developmental.