Toward a Feminist State: What Does ‘Effective’ Prosecution of Domestic Violence Mean?

This article examines domestic violence criminal prosecutions and addresses what 'effective' prosecutorial action means in such cases. The argument elaborates on a point recently articulated by the UN Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women, which links effective prosecution of violence against women to the creation of a less patriarchal society. The article concludes that 'effective' prosecution of domestic violence means prosecution which constitutes the State as less patriarchal ceteris paribus .     

Beliefs About Wife Beating Among Arab Men from Israel: The Influence of Their Patriarchal Ideology

Despite the recent increase in public and professional interest in the problem of wife beating in Arab society, in Israel, and in the rest of the Arab world, there is a serious lack of empirical research on different dimensions of the problem in those societies. This paper presents the results of a survey conducted among a systematic random sample of 362 Arab husbands from Israel, in an attempt to examine the contribution of patriarchal ideology toward explaining their beliefs about wife beating. Although about 58% of the participants indicated that there is no excuse for a man to beat his wife, 15–62% still justified wife beating on certain occasions (e.g., adultery, failure to obey husbands, disrespect for parents and relatives). In addition, although the participants tended to perceive abusive and violent husbands as responsible for their behavior, 52% still expressed understanding of that behavior and, on some occasions, 23–43% even blamed the wife for violence against her. Regression and multiple regression analyses revealed that over and above the participants' age and level of education, their masculine sex-role stereotypes, negative and traditional attitudes toward women, nonegalitarian marital role expectations, and familial patriarchal beliefs were the most significant predictors of beliefs about wife beating. Implications of the results and limitations of the study are also discussed.     

从婚姻历程看中国传统社会中家庭男权的复杂性

本文考察了1949年建国前中国男权家庭中,父权与夫权的交织作用对夫妇权力关系的影响。其基本方法是跳出性别分析方法的局限,将家庭男权制度置于父系继嗣的体系中去研究,从而揭示已婚妇女在代际和夫妻权力关系方面错综复杂、起伏跌宕的婚姻历程。研究发现,在大家庭里,当父权起主导作用时,年轻夫妻均无权力,婆婆受父权的保护,受父权压迫最大的是家中儿媳。在"反哺"阶段,夫权往往用来保证男方的父母老有所养,而非完全满足男方的私利。夫妻之间,妻子通过生育子嗣和参与家庭事务逐步纳入父系体系,增强了丈夫对她们维系父系家庭的依赖性,在一定程度上抑制了夫权对她们的约束。本文展示了至少在中国部分的父系继嗣家庭中,当夫权遇到父权时,性别与代际权力出现多重性,易变性和内争性,从而造成夫权时强时弱,时有时无,既同父权遥相呼应,又与其发生冲突。因此,中国传统男权家庭中妇女的地位在一生中是变动不定的。中国妇女在父系家庭中的地位也只有放置于纵(父权)横(夫权)两个轴心当中,通观她们的全部生活历史才能完全展示出来。     

男孩偏好与父权制的制度安排——中国出生性别比失衡的性别分析

出生性别比失衡是中国突出的社会问题,其背后与男孩偏好紧密相关。本文通过6个省的实证调查,揭示出生性别比失衡的根本原因是父权制的三大要素:一是从夫居的婚居制度,二是父子相承的财产继承制度,三是父子相传的姓氏继承制度。这3项制度不仅仅是历史,更是司空见惯的现实;不仅仅是文化观念,更是强制性的资源分配制度安排;不仅仅是家庭和村规民约的相互作用,更是政府的默认和法律的不作为。由此揭示中国当代社会性别制度的结构方式。     

Mobile phones and self-determination among Muslim youth in Uzbekistan

ABSTRACT

This paper examines the new ways to navigate family power dynamics among Muslim youth in contemporary Uzbekistan. Migration of labour from Uzbekistan increased rapidly in the 2000s. When young workers began to experience the freedom of making their own decisions in their everyday lives after migration, they became uncomfortable with the elders of the household making decisions on everything from daily chores to serious matters concerning their families. Youth who continued to live in Uzbekistan also expanded their areas of self-determination, such as in choosing their spouses, by securing private space through the use of mobile phones. The mobile phone can be an effective tool to improve the position of young wives, who tend to have the lowest status in the husband's family. Thus, the existing hierarchy or classical patriarchy in Muslim families can be navigated, challenged and circumvented by the use of mobile phones among the youth today.     

女书:我们的终结,抑或我们的开始

女性在女书中以“我们”的身份言说并存在,藉此放逐父权制。书写与被书写同样危险,我们没有聋,可是我们却哑了。文本意图受到了女书本身表述的破坏,女性在使用女书时掺入男性异质,削弱了女书自身构建的权威,在与男性争夺话语权时显得力不从心。放逐最终遭到放逐。颠覆父权制必须动用男性话语的概念,在其文本内寻找颠覆模式。女书的终结是消除二元对立的必然要求,标志着两性对话进入了新的时代。     

“神似”的中西方男权主义思想——兼谈古代社会人们对男权统治的抗争

私有财产和私有制度的出现，妇女逐渐成为私有财产的压迫对象和男人的附属物，男权社会由此形成。在中国，自古以来妇女就是父权社会的私有财产，妇女必须遵循统治阶级的各种礼法，然而她们却始终被排除在体制之外。而在西方，基督教产生以来，或者更早，妇女就是男人的附庸和物件，基督教以神的名义征缴了妇女的应有权利。几千年的男权社会，中西方的男权思想竟是如此相似。伴随着性别压迫的，必将是被压迫阶层的反抗。正如妇女问题产生的根源是私有制一样，破除妇女受压迫、受歧视的关节点，同样在于对私有制度的废除。     

强奸罪的文化学分析

强奸罪作为人类文明史上一个古老的犯罪命题 ,其立法模式是文化所认可的各种态度与价值的缩影。传统的强奸罪立法模式深植于男权制社会之中。 2 0世纪中后期以来 ,域外出现的强奸罪立法新模式反映了人们性观念及价值观的改变 ,是理想主义的结晶。基于现实国情 ,我国在强奸罪立法模式上可走一条现实向理想逐步过渡的渐进路线 :在坚持现行刑法典规定的前提下 ,对特殊个案按强奸罪新模式作出处理 ,以个案判决逐步影响民众的观念 ,最终实观立法的转变。     

Peace in the Family is the Basis of Peace in the Country: How Women Contribute to Local Peace in Southern Kyrgyzstan

ABSTRACT

There has been a significant amount of research on peacebuilding in Central Asia in general and in Kyrgyzstan in particular. This has helped us both understand socio-political processes in the republic itself, and the shortcomings of the liberal peacebuilding framework in general. However, this work has, with rare exceptions, focused largely on male peacebuilding at either the state or international scale. Correcting that trend, this article illuminates the role of women peacebuilders in the post-conflict city of Osh. Based on ethnographic research conducted in 2016, it argues that women have a hitherto overlooked but nonetheless important ‘invisible’ role in peacebuilding.