南岛语民族与中国古代越人和濮人的关系

许多学者在探讨南岛语民族的起源时,都认为这个民族群体与中国古代的越人有关系,还有人认为与越人和濮人都有关系。我的看法是,今天的南岛语民族的先民并不是直接源自中国古籍中提到的越人和濮人,只是与越人和濮人有着共同的祖先。在南岛语民族或广义的马来人这个群体中,体质特征较为古老的“原始马来人”形成较早,他们与濮人的祖先有密切的关系;而有着较高文化的、体质特征与壮侗语言诸民族相似的“续至马来人”则与古代越人的祖先有着密切的关系。但是,不能说今天的南岛语民族直接源自中国古籍中提到的越人和濮人。     

对上海市民政局主管的社会团体及民办非企业单位的调查与思考

民政社团指的是由民政局直接主管的社团及民办非企业单位。通过对上海市民政局主管的社会团体及民办非企业单位的调查，发现了其中存在的诸多问题，提出了若干对策。     

推进民族地区文化体制改革

文化体制改革是民族文化发展的一项紧迫任务。民族地区文化体制改革要抓住机遇 ,理顺关系 ,发挥政府宏观调控作用 ,深化文化企事业单位内部改革 ,推进文化创新     

城市群体空间：演化机理与发展趋向

城市群体空间是经济和城市自然演化的必然结果。在新的历史条件下,城市群体空间呈现三大发展趋向:大城市的深度拓展与中、小城市的强势整合;城市群产业链与产业集群并行不悖,交错发展;城市空间形态由纵向的中心地模式向对等结网的网络城市转化。当前加速我国城市群体空间发展的关键在于,发挥城市群规划对其发展的指导作用。以城市群体总体规划为基础,从调整结构和强化联系两个层面加强空间管理,加速空间整合和协调发展。     

Elite and Everyday Social Contracts in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Pathways to Forging a National Social Contract?

ABSTRACT

The Dayton Peace Agreement ended the violence in Bosnia–Herzegovina, however, it also solidified antagonistic political identities leading to the creation of two social contracts: an ‘elite social contract’ involving primarily political elites of the main ethnic groups and an ‘everyday social contract’ involving ordinary citizens trying to manage a complex social and economic environment. The first social contract is hegemonic, however, alternative, non-nationalist views are slowly emerging. Grassroots groups, the surviving remnants of inter-ethnic coexistence, the integrating pull of market forces and the presence of a large diaspora all constitute resources for the creation of a resilient national social contract.     

Strategic or Principled? The Engagement of Civil Society Organizations with the EU

This article links the literature on the Europeanization of civil society organizations (CSOs) with the literature on the contribution CSOs can make to democracy in the EU. To do so, it asks which are the pull factors that support CSOs’ Europeanization: are they mostly strategic and linked to where law-making and the money are? Or are they likewise linked to a desire to contribute to EU democracy? To explore this question, the article looks at agricultural, environmental and anti-poverty groups and combines fresh qualitative with quantitative data. The findings suggest that we need to distinguish strategic Europeanization, on the one hand, from the identification with supranational democracy, on the other. They also show that the most Europeanized organizations need not be the most interested in EU democracy, whereas organizations with a comparatively low degree of Europeanization can still be interested in EU democracy.     

Goals and tactics of President Gerald Ford's ethnic politics

This article analyzes initiatives of Gerald Ford's presidential administration toward nationalities or the so-called white ethnics against the backdrop of the legacy of Richard Nixon and the Republican Party's ethnic politics of the 1960s. Using archival and interview materials, it demonstrates that Gerald Ford intended to improve the relationship between the President's office and the ethnics who were involved in the Republican Party's structures. He consciously tried to respond to ethnics’ political concerns and even created a special position on his staff for working with the nationalities. While in office and during the election campaign of 1976, Ford succeeded in engaging the ethnics and in demonstrating his will to address their needs on the domestic “front.” He failed, however, to fully appreciate the importance of foreign policy to the nationalities. The article proposes that today, as in the 1970s, the American political establishment would benefit from recognizing international issues as crucial elements of white ethnics’ or nationalities’ political behavior.     

Conceptualising the policy engagement of interest groups: Involvement,access and prominence

While much progress has been made in empirically mapping and analysing a variety of interest group activities in the last decade, less attention has been devoted to conceptual work that clearly defines and distinguishes different forms of policy engagement. This article contributes to this endeavour by developing a theoretical framework that explicitly links currently available measures of the policy engagement of groups to the distinct concepts of group involvement, access and prominence. It argues that greater conceptual clarity will lead to better accumulation of knowledge in the sub‐field and a better understanding of the role of interest groups in political systems.     

新一代中央领导集体对党建理论的重大贡献

新一代中央领导集体自十六大以来对党建理论作出重大贡献,提出科学发展观重大战略思想、加强党的执政能力建设重大战略任务、加强党的先进性建设重大命题、党的建设新布局和一系列加强思想、组织、作风建设、制度和反腐倡廉建设的新论断,并形成比较完整的体系,是新形势下以改革创新精神加强党的建设的理论基础和行动指南。     

Regulating Lobbyists: A Comparative Analysis of the United States, Canada, Germany and the European Union

Lobbying is central to the democratic process. Yet, only four political systems have lobbying regulations: the United States, Canada, Germany and the EU (most particularly, the European Parliament). Despite the many works offering individual country analysis of lobbying legislation, a twofold void exists in the literature. Firstly, no study has offered a comparative analysis classifying the laws in these four political systems, which would improve understanding of the different regulatory environments. Secondly, few studies have analysed the views of key agents—politicians, lobbyists and regulators—and how these compare and contrast across regulatory environments.
We firstly utilise an index measuring how strong the regulations are in each of the systems, and develop a classification scheme for the different 'ideal' types of regulatory environment. Secondly, we measure the opinions of political actors, interest groups and regulators in all four systems (through questionnaires and elite interviews) and see what correlations, if any, exist between the different ideal types of system and their opinions. The conclusion highlights our findings, and the lessons that can be used by policy-makers in systems without lobbying legislation.