Movement decision-making in violence prevention and peace practices

Studying parallels between movement behaviour and violent actions can help understand interdisciplinary possibilities for prevention, intervention, mediation and post-conflict healing. This article explores the role of unconscious and conscious movement decision-making in violent/peaceful interactions. Thematic analysis of interviews was conducted with trainers in dance/movement peace practices working in fourteen countries. The doctoral research sociologically analysed shared beliefs and a framework that was previously applied to work in schools, expanding its potential for new settings and peace contexts. The framework illustrates five stages of decision-making (Flow/Tension, Attention, Intention, Action and Reflection/Evaluation) based on Warren Lamb’s and Rudolph Laban’s systems of movement analysis. Flow/Tension refers to physiological responses to conflict and the regulation of tension, discomfort and breath. Attention involves the development of spatial awareness and awareness of our immediate environment. The Intention stage fosters the capacity for self-evaluation, assertively addressing needs and mitigating ethical pressure. The Action stage involves understanding impulses, commitment and non-action. Reflection/Evaluation promote reflexivity in practitioners and participants and a dynamic evaluation of peace practices. By analysing contributions of dance/movement to peacebuilding, this article introduces a much-needed focus on the body in conflict and inform interpersonal and intergroup conflict interventions by educators, therapists and peace practitioners of all fields.     

袭警的对策研究——以非暴力案件的处置为视角

从大量的数据研究和对一线民警的实际调查来看,公安机关在处置非暴力违法犯罪过程中,容易发生袭警的是盗窃、吸贩毒、抢夺等案件。有效处置非暴力违法犯罪嫌疑人,需制定全国统一的、有法律强制力的装备配置、执法语言和执法动作方面的具体规范;加强警察执法枫关法律的普法教育;切实保障各项警务技能训练;研制和配备强有力的非杀伤性警械,并进行严格训练。     

Problematizing war: reviving the historical focus of peace education

In the last forty years, peace education has broadened its focus from primarily international peace and the prevention of war to an approach that encompasses social justice, environmental education, critical theory, and multicultural education. While this is a positive evolution in many respects, there is a danger in de-emphasizing the actual critique of war and militarism. This article looks at the reasons why peace education should revive its strong historical focus on problematizing war. There is a strong emphasis on how educators can implement this in the classroom by fostering an environment where students can critique both past and contemporary conflicts. This renewed focus is of special importance in our modern globalized world, especially in militarily powerful nations such as the United States.     

Museums for peace: agents and instruments of peace education

Although museums for peace claim peace education to be a primary mission, their definitions of ‘peace’ and their aims and practices for peace education vary widely. In this article, we draw from the field of critical museology and the knowledge construction perspective to understand the role of museums for peace in the service of peace education. From the constructivist viewpoint, the museums’ narratives are not objective or historical truths. Rather they are the museum designers’ constructed interpretations of the events, people, and places that are memorialized. The museums’ exhibits, narratives, and programs reflect a wide range of definitions of peace including some which conflict and contradict each other. The variations in defining peace contribute to differences in how the museums view and exercise their role in educating for peace. From this analysis, we observe how contemporary museums for peace can play a significant role in peace education by raising awareness about multiple definitions of peace and by enabling audiences to reflect on, discuss and participate in deliberated paths toward personal peace and cultures of peace.     

Collapse at the WTO: a Cancun post‐mortem

This article offers an analysis of the collapse of the WTO talks in Cancun in September 2003. It argues that the collapse of the talks should not be regarded as a victory for the developing world, as many have suggested. Rather, the collapse should be seen as the inevitable result of deep‐seated tensions within the wto 's institutional framework, both in terms of the processes that underlie its working and the substance of its agreements. The article argues that these imbalances, if not corrected, will heighten the alienation of developing countries and work to the detriment of the legitimacy and survival of the wto.     

Spinoza Now

Abstract

This discussion of Infinitely Demanding explores the terms of the paradox with which Critchley is centrally concerned: how an ethico-politics can at once begin in disappointment and yet allow for engagement, the infinite renewal of commitment and optimism. Placing this in critical relation to the paradox Rorty meets with his account of the "private ironist and public liberal" in Contingency, Irony, Solidarity, I argue that Critchley's ethico-politics invokes the possibility of a non-ironical categorical imperative, at the meeting point of finitude and the infinite and at the heart of what is also a political space of intersubjectivity. I examine the logic of humour and of commitment within the Kantian frame thus suggested, arguing for their relevance to certain aspects of anarcho-activism, but also for their limitations in desperate circumstances, posing the risk that Critchley's preferred politics falls back into liberal complacency.     

A CTS model of counterterrorism

To date, critical terrorism studies (CTS) has been very good at critiquing contemporary counterterrorism, but has not yet offered an alternative model which could be used for research and evaluation, as well as policy advice. This article seeks to address this gap by constructing a CTS model of counterterrorism. The first section of the article explicates the appropriation of “emancipation”, and why it is key for an alternative model of counterterrorism. The article then goes on to outline a CTS model and explain how it addresses all the main weaknesses of contemporary counterterrorism models, because it is based on a more robust ontology and epistemology which addresses terrorism as deep politics, it is normatively based on emancipation, it approaches terrorism and security holistically, and it is rooted in means/ends consistency. The final section of the article argues that the CTS model is not a theoretical utopia. A comparison with Norwegian counterterrorism shows that it can be useful for evaluating and advising real-world counterterrorism.     

菲律宾天主教会同马科斯政权的关系

马科斯执政时期 ,由于天主教内部的变革以及菲律宾国内的特殊情况 ,菲律宾天主教会积极参与政治活动 ,同马科斯政权的关系经历了从合作到对抗的转变。菲律宾天主教会在推翻马科斯独裁统治的运动中发挥了无以替代的重要作用。     

试析“倒扁运动”中的女性政治参与

在“倒扁”的红衫军中,有六成以上是女性参与者,向来被认为是偏向于政治冷漠的她们冒着被指控为“破坏秩序、扰乱社会稳定、暴民”等污名,长时间地参与这场街头运动,在台湾前所未有。本文分析了她们参与的原因、动机及参与中的感觉,分析了非暴力对女性参与政治运动的影响,并探讨了大量女性参与对这场运动形成“团结感、人情味、家庭感”等特点之间的关系,以及女性在参与公共政治生活、公民社会的建构方面与非暴力之间的关联。     

盗窃罪与侵占罪行为界限的理论纠偏

盗窃罪与侵占罪是一组排他关系的财产犯罪,二罪在行为方式上有区分界限。盗窃罪的行为方式不以秘密性为必要,不允许有暴力,平和地破坏原占有关系是盗窃罪行为的本质特征;非法占为己有是侵占行为,拒不退还、拒不交出是非法占为己有的进一步明确,并不是侵占罪的构成要件要素,易占有为所有是侵占罪行为的本质特征。因而,盗窃罪与侵占罪的行为方式上的界限并不在于行为的秘密性,也不在于是否可以以作为的方式实行,而是侵害占有方式的不同:前者是平和地破坏原占有关系,后者是易占有为所有。