邓小平、江泽民对毛泽东人民观的发展

邓小平和江泽民在领导我国人民进行改革开放和现代化建设的伟大实践中 ,深刻总结吸取了以往的经验教训 ,对社会主义建设时期的人民范畴作出了新分析 ,对社会主义制度下人民主体性的实现进行了新探索 ,还进一步丰富深化了为人民服务的思想 ,坚持和发展了毛泽东的人民观。     

An Analysis of the Joint Board or County Model as the Structural Basis for Effective Australian Local Governance

Australian policy‐makers continue to rely on municipal amalgamation as the main engine of structural reform in local government, despite strong evidence that it diminishes participation and representation without improving service efficiency. Several promising, but neglected alternative models of structural reform have been developed, including ad hoc resource sharing models, Regional Organisations of Councils, virtual local government, and agency models. In an encouraging response to the recent policy of enforced council amalgamations in NSW, the Shires Association of NSW (2004) has recently proposed a ‘Joint Board model’ of local governance and invited comment on this model. This article takes up this challenge and seeks to place the Joint Board model in conceptual context and evaluate its characteristics and simulated cost savings.     

领导干部的社会主义荣辱观

胡锦涛同志提出的社会主义荣辱观,涵盖了爱国主义、集体主义和社会主义的丰富内容,指明了社会主义市场经济条件下人们世界观、人生观、价值观的核心所在,明确了当代中国的道德评价体系和道德评价标准。高屋建瓴,切中时弊,具有强烈的现实针对性。各级领导干部应准确把握社会主义荣辱观的内涵,充分认识树立社会主义荣辱观的必要性,为全社会作出表率。     

德宏州全面建设小康社会面临的难题及对策

农民人均收入低、增长慢,城乡收入差距逐年扩大,是德宏州全面建设小康社会面临的突出问题.为此,一要抓农村剩余劳动力转移,二要抓城镇化建设,提高城市化水平.     

论人力资本投资与经济发展

人力资本是经济增长的重要源泉。加大人力资源投资,致力于提高劳动者的科学技术素质和思想道德素质,才能有效促进经济的发展。     

欧盟与东盟区域一体化发展模式之比较

区域化是当今世界的一个重要发展趋势。欧盟和东盟是当今世界发展最为引人注目的区域组织。它们的发展不仅对本地区的政治、经济产生了巨大的影响,同时,也在世界的经济发展和政治稳定中扮演着重要的角色。比较分析两大区域组织发展模式,有利于加深我国与它们的合作,推动各方的经济和政治的发展,以开创“共赢”的局面。     

大众化时代高校德育模式的创新点

面对高等教育大众化时代高校出现的一些新特点、新问题,高校德育需要迫切转变观念,加强工作模式的创新.本文认为,大众化时代高校德育工作模式的创新点包括:德育理念"自主化"、德育内容"生活化"、德育方法"咨询化"、德育载体"网络化"、德育形式"环境化"等.     

树立以科学发展观为指导的科学稳定观

传统稳定观缺乏科学发展观内涵,忽视解决影响稳定的根源问题,重治标不重治本,这样的稳定工作永远是被动的。只有树立以科学发展观为指导的科学稳定观,注重从源头上发现和解决影响稳定的社会矛盾,才能确保稳定工作既适应新世纪的新情况新问题,又牢牢把握稳定工作的主动权。     

Institutions and Caribbean Economic Performance: Insights from Jamaica

We explore the impact of social institutions on economic performance in Jamaica through a reinterpretation of the plantation economic model. In its original form, the plantation model fails to develop a causal link between the plantation legacy and persistent underdevelopment. Despite its marginalization, the model remains useful for discussions on growth and development. Consequently, we offer a reappraisal using the causal insights from Kenneth Sokoloff and Stanley Engerman. We use two examples to demonstrate how inequality encourages the formation of institutions that are inconsistent with growth, and an empirical analysis to confirm the hypothesized relationship between inequality, institutions, and economic development. Since inequality is expected to influence growth indirectly, we use a structural specification, which follows William Easterly’s recent test of Sokoloff and Engerman’s argument. Our reliance on a time-series specification is unique. We demonstrate that the expectation that, on average, inequality and growth is negatively related and that institutions may compromise growth are accurate for Jamaica, the most cited Caribbean nation in the current discourse. Our results carry several policy implications, including support for the recent calls in Jamaica for political restructuring. However, both the paucity of similar studies and the importance of the implications for sustainable growth and development demand further analyses.

Old and New Labour Narratives of Whitehall: Radicals,Reactionaries and Defenders of the Westminster Model

This article argues that throughout its history, the leadership of the Labour Party has chosen to embrace a benign view of the Civil Service, as part of a wider acceptance of the constitutional status quo reflected in the Westminster model. There has nevertheless been a long tradition in the wider Labour movement that has questioned whether Whitehall is capable of working for a government with radical aspirations. This article examines Labour's historical approach towards Whitehall, before reflecting on the extent to which the present Administration, while appealing to radical and reforming rhetoric has, like its predecessors, continued to embrace the status quo. It concludes by arguing that a contemporary and credible narrative capable of challenging the Westminster model has yet to emerge from the broader movement.