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1.
Although paid television and radio political advertising is banned in the United Kingdom, parties fielding sufficient candidates are entitled to free air time during election campaigns for a fixed number of party election broadcasts (PEBs). Over the years, parties have experimented with a variety of different PEB formats. But the impact of PEBs on voters is underresearched. This article therefore analyzes the influence of PEB viewing in the 1997 British General Election. Though a majority do not view PEBs, those who do are influenced by them, especially in terms of their evaluations of parties and their leaders: Other things being equal, viewers of a party's PEBs become more favorably disposed to the party and its leader than those who do not see the broadcast. Labour and Conservative PEBs have no impact on vote intentions, however. But viewers of Liberal Democrat broadcasts become more likely to support that party. We speculate that this reflects different background levels of media exposure for the major parties as compared to the third party. 相似文献
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Advertorials are a form of outside lobbying that organized interests use to influence policymakers and attentive publics. It is apparent from their popularity that organized interests consider them to be an effective form of political communication. This article analyzes 2,805 organized interest advertorials that appeared on the lower right quadrant of The New York Times op-ed page from 1985 to 1998. Advertorials take two broad forms: (a) image advertorials, which are paid messages by organized interests designed to create a favorable climate of opinion, and (b) advocacy advertorials, which are sponsored messages intended to win support for an interest's viewpoints on controversial issues. Typologies of advertorials (11 categories), organized interests (21 categories), corporate and noncorporate economic interests (29 categories), and policy content (28 categories) are used to document annually and over time who is sponsoring advertorials, what types of advertorials are being used, what interests avail themselves of advertorial campaigns, which issue areas are receiving attention, what images and policy messages are being communicated, which organizations sponsor the most advertorials, and the timing of such political advertising campaigns. We find over time an increasing number of advertorials, an increasing number and diversity of sponsoring interest organizations, an increasing trend toward advocacy advertorials, a continuing but declining sponsorship dominance by corporate interests, a shifting policy issue emphasis that corresponds to events in the political environment, and evidence that organized interests employ a variety of sponsorship strategies. 相似文献
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ADAM CHAMBERLAIN 《Politics & Policy》2010,38(1):97-116
The 2007/2008 Republican presidential primary run for Ron Paul was a relatively unique candidacy, as he was a former third-party presidential candidate for the Libertarian Party in 1988. In this article, I argue that his recent run as a Republican needs to be studied as a third-party movement within a major party. To do so, I conduct a state-level analysis of support for Paul using a dependent variable measuring the number of online Paul donors. The results indicate that the strongest explanation for Paul support is a state's vote for Paul in 1988. This finding shows that a third-party campaign can help a politician's national-level career rather than serving merely as an outlet for popular discontent. It also shows that candidate-centered support can carry over into a major-party campaign, even if almost 20 years has elapsed and a candidate's third-party vote percentage was quite low. La primaria presidencial republicana de 2007/2008 donde se postuló Ron Paul fue una candidatura relativamente única, ya que en 1988 él fue un candidato presidencial de un tercer partido conocido como Partido Liberal. En este articulo sostengo que su reciente postulación como Republicano necesita ser estudiada como un movimiento de un tercer partido dentro de un partido mayoritario. Para realizarlo, realizo un análisis a un nivel estatal del apoyo a Paul utilizando una variable dependiente que mide el número de los donadores de Paul en línea. Los resultados indican que la explicación más concluyente del actual apoyo a Paul es el voto estatal otorgado al candidato en 1988. Este hallazgo demuestra que una campaña de un tercer partido puede ayudar a la carrera de un político a nivel nacional más que simplemente servir como una salida del descontento popular. Así mismo, demuestra que el apoyo otorgado al candidato puede transferirse a una campaña de partido mayor, aun después de veinte años y a pesar de que el porcentaje de voto obtenido por ese candidato en ese entonces haya sido bajísimo. 相似文献
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我国自改革开放以来已经开展了三次全国性的专项斗争,但是一味地强调从重从快惩治黑社会犯罪分子,而没有其他的衔接性预防措施,从长远来看并非治理良策。因此,借鉴国内外的经验和教训,我们有必要重新认识黑社会犯罪的发展规律,在黑社会性质组织犯罪防治对策上应坚持“四个结合”的策略,并加强标本对策的研究。 相似文献
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Steven H. Chaffee Melissa Nichols Saphir Joseph Graf Christian Sandvig Kyu Sup Hahn 《政治交往》2013,30(3):247-272
Research following the "selective exposure" model has focused on avoidance of political messages with which a person might disagree. But positive attention to such "counter-attitudinal" messages is worthy of study, in part because normative theories of democracy value exposure to information that might disturb citizens' political predispositions. Surveys of youth (N = 417) and parents (N = 430) examine attention to newspaper, television, and Web messages about candidates. While there is somewhat more attention to messages about and for a person's favored political candidate or party, forms of political involvement (knowledge, curiosity, and discussion) that predict this "attitude-consistent" attention also predict counter-attitudinal attention at least as strongly. Parents' education and students' exposure to civics lessons also predict both kinds of attention. These results suggest that attention to counterattitudinal political messages is worthy of further study as an important goal of political socialization and a criterion of citizen performance in democracy. 相似文献
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Brazilian politicians have seemingly adopted new racial identities en masse in recent years. What are the electoral consequences of asserting membership in a new racial group? In the Brazilian case, politicians who change how they racially identify themselves and secure greater access to campaign resources may become more electorally competitive. If voters learn a politician has changed their self-declared race, however, the politician’s reputation is likely to be tarnished and their chances of victory are likely to decline. Building on evidence that voters acquire greater information about election front-runners in high-profile contests than other types of politicians, I expect incumbents running for executive offices who change how they publicly identify themselves to suffer an electoral penalty. Drawing on data from local elections in Brazil, I find limited evidence that voters penalize city council candidates who adopt new racial identities. I show that incumbent mayors seeking reelection, however, receive significantly fewer votes after they assert membership in new racial groups. 相似文献
8.
MATT QVORTRUP 《The Political quarterly》2014,85(1):57-64
There have been more than 50 independence referendums since the middle of the 19th Century when Texas, Virginia and Tennessee—albeit unsuccessfully—voted to leave the USA. A handful of plebiscites were held in each decade after 1945, but most independence referendums were held after the break‐down of communism. Most have resulted in majorities for independence. However, such plebiscites have been rare in countries with established systems of democratic government and the results may not be a fair reflection of the views of the voters. When referendums have been held in democratic countries, they have often resulted in a no‐vote (though Montenegro is an exception to the rule). Referendums have on a few occasions resulted in the exacerbation of ethnic conflict, such as in Bosnia‐Herzegovina and in East Timor. But generally speaking referendums are not correlated with civil war; indeed, war resulted in only 13 percent of the cases. 相似文献
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Since the early 1990s, new forms of referendum campaigns have emerged in the Swiss political arena. In this paper, we examine how referendum campaigns have transformed in Switzerland, focusing on a number of features: their intensity, duration and inclusiveness (i.e., the variety of actors involved). These features are assumed to change in the long run in response to societal changes and in the short run as a function of variations in elite support. We further argue that public knowledge of ballot issues depends on the characteristics of campaigns. To formally test our hypotheses, we draw on advertisement campaigns in six major Swiss newspapers in the four weeks preceding each ballot from 1981 to 1999 and develop a structural equation model. We indeed find that the duration of referendum campaigns has increased over time, while their inclusiveness has decreased. Most importantly, we find that public knowledge is strongly related to the characteristics of campaigns. 相似文献
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Given voters' limited cognitive abilities, the learning environments voters face may have implications for how voters learn and make decisions. One prominent feature of American elections is the variation in the length of the ballot across jurisdictions and elections. This paper explores the consequences of lengthy ballots on the ability of voters to learn about candidates. Using an experimental design and a dynamic information board (Lau and Redlawsk, 2006), subjects participate in a mock election where they are asked to gather information about a single election or multiple elections. The results indicate that while voters compare more information as ballot length increases, they spend significantly less time learning about individual pieces of candidate information. 相似文献