Susi Versus the rest: the political economy of the fisheries industry in Indonesia during Jokowi’s first term

ABSTRACT

Indonesian Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Minister, Susi Pudjiastuti, has become a political superstar on the back of the media attention gained with her tough stance in fighting illegal fishing since 2014. But, beyond the headlines, little is known of the political struggles unleashed by her approach, on how her policies have affected the political economy of the industry, and on whether her reforms are sustainable. Drawing on over 30 in-depth interviews, this article fills the gap. The picture that emerges is complex and fluid: the minister has made progress in limiting the reach of the foreign-led fisheries mafia, but achieved limited success in convincing Indonesians to invest in the industry or in building a constituency to support her drive. Through the lens of the political economy of the fisheries, this article also offers a window into how politics is contested in increasingly ‘populist’ Indonesia.     

试析中国与印尼经贸关系存在的问题

近年来,中国与印尼经贸合作关系发展很快,两国双边贸易和中国对印尼基础设施建设的投资顺利发展,但也存在一些问题和障碍,尤其是中国一些商品对印尼的冲击引起印尼部分企业界的不满。本文拟对两国经贸关系存在问题,尤其是印尼纺织服装业受中国产品的冲击进行分析,提出解决问题的意见,以利于促进两国经贸关系的进一步发展。     

印尼、马来西亚大选后的政治与经济情况述评

印尼与马来西亚是同文同种并具有共同宗教信仰的国家,国情也有许多相似之处.2004年是两国的大选年,大选后马来西亚巴达维政权稳固发展,印尼苏西洛新政府加大反贪反恐和重建经济的力度,两国将步入稳定发展时期.     

State transformation and cross-border regionalism in Indonesia’s periphery: contesting the centre

Abstract

This article examines how the decentralisation and fragmentation of the Indonesian state and resultant central–local dynamics affect cross-border regionalism in Indonesia’s periphery. It argues that cross-border regionalism projects are best understood as sites for scalar contestation over regulatory control between central and local government. Moreover, scalar contestation around cross-border regional projects is characterised by the struggles to control relationships with transnational capital between elites operating at different tiers of the state. When elites at different scales have conflicting interests and strategies, this can cause policy incoherence, inhibiting the development of cross-border regionalism. Conversely, when they align, and intersect with the interests of transnational business, cross-border regionalism can succeed. To illustrate the argument, this article utilises the comparative case studies of the Batam free trade zone and West Kalimantan–Sarawak cross-border cooperation.     

New frontiers: an enriched perspective on extraction frontiers in Indonesia

Changes in the nature, scale, and speed of natural resource extraction, especially in the last two decades, have resulted in many new resource extraction areas emerging across the world. By zooming in on Indonesia, this article shows that the underlying causes and consequences of current trends are more complex than portrayed by the rancher-squatter model of frontiers that is still frequently used to explain these developments. We argue that a broadened frontier notion is necessary to address the multifaceted nature of the processes underway in contemporary Indonesian extraction areas, as well as beyond. We propose a perspective that pays explicit attention to four new developments that can be described by using the hybridization of space, time, actors, and rules, and are characterized by the fact that these processes create new perimeters in all four mentioned areas. In so doing, we challenge, broaden, and renew the meaning of frontiers.     

印尼华人家庭媒体使用现状分析——基于对雅加达500余名新生代华裔青少年的调查

调查发现，就印尼华人家庭而言，代际不同，对媒体的使用倾向也不相同。祖辈常用媒体依次为报纸、广播、影视、杂志和网络；父辈最常用的媒体依次为报纸、影视、杂志、广播和网络。新生代华裔青少年常用媒体依次为网络、影视、广播、杂志和报纸。要提高中国传统文化的传播效度，必须注意传播策略，重视网络与影视的作用。     

论印尼华人企业集团的经济转型与新进展

亚洲金融危机使印尼华人企业集团受到致命打击,在"后金融危机时代",华人企业集团进行了一系列战略重组、结构调整和产业转型,迄今这一进程仍在继续进行中.伴随着所在国经济的复苏,华人企业集团已开始走出经营低谷,竞争优势逐渐得到恢复并有新的发展.虽然金融危机结束了华人企业集团经营发展的黄金时期,但由于华人企业集团的经济转型近年出现许多有利条件,可以预期,印尼华人企业集团将通过不断调整内部经营结构和经营策略,逐步摆脱困境并重新获得生机.     

Global reporting from the Third World: the Afro-Asian Journalists’ Association, 1963–1974

ABSTRACT

Originating from the 1955 Bandung Conference, the Afro-Asian Journalists’ Association (AAJA) promoted international collaboration among journalists in newly independent countries. Built on an inclusive foundation of peaceful co-existence, the AAJA contributed to the development of expansive global information networks, lively intellectual traffic, and rich visual arts among Afro-Asian nations. However, the cosmopolitanism of its early years was later undermined by the decline of constitutional democracy in Indonesia and a lack of cohesion among Afro-Asian nations. After the September Thirtieth Movement in Indonesia in 1965, the AAJA relocated to Beijing and was mobilized by the Chinese state to promote the P.R.C. as the leader of an embittered Third World’s battle against American imperialism and Soviet revisionism. In the early 1970s, ideological fervor began abating in China. During this time, Mao’s reframing of the three worlds, which was based on developmental measurements, redirected the AAJA’s Third World discourse to issues of modernization until its quiet dissolution in 1974. The history of the AAJA demonstrates the complex and often conflicted ways in which two important post-colonial states – Indonesia and China – conceptualized “the Third World” and formulated media representations during the Cold War.     

"弱国家"形态及其根源:印尼的案例

本文主要探究弱国家的形态特征及其根源,并具体分析了印尼这一个案.所谓弱国家,是指政府(履行其基本职能的)能力滑坡、社会结构趋向于涣散的这一类国家,是介于正常运转国家与失败国家之间的一种国家类型.造成弱国家局面的因素是多方面的,既包括政治形态转型期的新旧二元结构冲突,也包括原本就比较松散的种族一宗教结构,以及全球化时代来自世界体系的压力.新权威主义可能是转型时期国家避免弱国家局面的一种实用制度和策略.     

金融危机以来的印尼社会问题

印尼的社会问题由来已久。随着金融危机的加深 ,印尼的社会问题不断恶化。它既阻碍了经济的发展 ,又影响了政局的稳定。如何解决社会问题 ,是印尼所面临的重大课题。本文就金融危机以来的印尼主要社会问题的表现、成因、对策作了分析 ,并从中得出几点启示。