审判的艺术和法律的价值——再析“秋菊打官司”的官司

本文从影片“秋菊打官司”引起的贾桂花肖像权纠纷一案入手,分析了法官审判的几种风格。认为法官应将法律视作人类艺术的结晶,而不是政治权力手中的工具,从而忠实于现行法律,遵守现行法律,依法律的有关规定审判。法律的价值在于其稳定的制度性和秩序性,公平仅是法律的目的而不是它的价值,对公平问题的解决应依赖于与法律分离了的法学     

The Professors on Public Life

Many academics misunderstand public life and the conditions under which policy is made. This article examines misconceptions in three major academic traditions—policy as science (e.g., ‘evidence‐based policy’), normative political theory, and the mini‐public school of deliberative democracy—and argues that the practical implications of each of these traditions are limited by their partial, shallow and etiolated vision of politics. Three constitutive features of public life, competition, publicity and uncertainty, compromise the potential of these traditions to affect in any fundamental way the practice of politics. Dissatisfaction with real existing democracy is not the consequence of some intellectual or moral failure uniquely characteristic of the persona publica, and attempts to reform it are misdirected to the extent that they imagine a better public life modeled on academic ideals.     

互相撕咬的川康魔鬼——论周文小说中的统治者形象

周文青少年时期生活在四川西部的川康一带,并且在川康军阀中从军六年之久。后来,他漂泊到上海从事文学创作便把川康统治者形象写进了小说,比如《烟苗季》、《在白森镇》、《红丸》等。这些小说把居于统治者地位的川康军阀和川康政客生动地呈现在读者面前,读者既能够从小说中感受到川康统治者的凶残和虚伪,又能了解到川康世界的腐败和丑恶。周文笔下的川康统治者形象具有一定的典型性,他们既是川康统治者的代表,也是旧社会统治者的化身。     

‘It’s Not Like Never-the-Twain-Shall-Meet’: Politician–Staff Relationship Structures in Local Government

Local governments have two primary components: elected representatives and employed staff. The relationship between these two groups has significant impacts on local authority operation. Two key theoretical models used to characterise these relations, the well-established Politics/Administration Dichotomy and the recently conceived Complementarity Model, are employed here to explore relationships in New Zealand councils. Results show varying views regarding whether the separation of staff and elected representatives (councillors) is based on their respective roles or inputs. A role-based separation emphasises distinct ‘realms’, with elected representatives controlling policy making and staff controlling the implementation of policy. This approach supports a hegemonic relationship and embodies the Politics/Administration Dichotomy. On the other hand, an input-based separation emphasises the issues that each group should focus on, with councillors integrating community desires and staff contributing their technical expertise. The latter lends itself to interactive processes and is consistent with the Complementarity Model. Neither input nor role-based relationships are inherently superior; various empirical factors influence the suitability of each. This suggests that it is advantageous to have multiple theoretical models accounting for alternative local government relationship structures, but future research is needed to clarify the ‘best’ options for different contexts.     

论刑法的政治品格

在现代社会里，政治体制、政治权力或政治体系不可避免地要同刑法发生一定的关联作用，并且为刑法注入了各自不同的政治特质，于是就形成刑法独特的政治品格。如果以边缘刑法学的视角对此展开分析，那么，刑法与民主政治、政治人物和政治形势之间的关系可以成为理论研判的对象。因为这些关系在互动的情态下能够真实地还原刑法在阶级社会里的本质属性，从而明确民主刑法所应有的政治品格，而这一切还将有助于拓展刑法学人的研究视野以及刑事立法者对刑法的科学定位。     

按照政治家标准培养高级领导干部的路径探求

在世情、国情、党情发生深刻变化的新形势下,要提高领导干部的领导水平和执政水平,提高拒腐防变和抵御风险能力,必须仔细甄别政治家和政客的联系与区别。要按照政治家的标准,结合当前我国经济社会发展的需要,提高高级领导干部的理论修养,加强制度监督,在实践中提升执政能力,实现提升个人政治素养与有效治理国家的良性互动,不断推进历史进步。     

The Gendered Face of Partisan Politics: Consequences of Facial Sex Typicality for Vote Choice

Facial cues are consequential for voters’ behavior at the polls. Yet the facial cues that are associated with vote choice remain under-examined. We predicted that vote choice judgments rely, in part, on the sex typicality of facial cues (i.e., the degree of facial masculinity and femininity) that vary as a function of candidate gender and partisan identification. Stimuli included image pairs of winners and runners-up in the elections for the 111th U.S. House of Representatives. In Study 1, we found that female Republican candidates who appeared relatively more feminine and male Republican candidates who looked relatively less masculine in their appearance were more likely to win their election. Democratic candidates’ electoral success was not related to their sex typicality. In Study 2, we found that relatively masculine-appearing Democrats and feminine-appearing Republicans were more likely to be selected in a hypothetical vote choice task. Implications for U.S. partisan politics are discussed.