刑法学课程内容设置探讨——高校不同层次、不同专业刑法学课程教学内容的安排

刑法学体系结构庞大,刑法学课程可根据该体系的重点难点以及培养目标、实际需要等因素确定教学内容的安排。在专科、本科兼招的高等学校,既有必要安排好大专层次各专业的刑法学课程,又应该考虑好本科层次各专业刑法学课程的设置。     

日本公明党与中日邦交正常化

中日邦交正常化的政治过程,是一个显示日本对外政策与国内政治相互关系的典型事例。在这一过程中,包括公明党在内的日本各在野党发挥了非常重要的独特的“补充外交”作用。特别是公明党领导人竹入义胜等非政府人士的访华,为日本政府摸清中方意图、沟通两国领导人之间的看法、形成复交文件等发挥了极为重要的作用。当然,中国政府也充分认识到日本在野党在日本政治生活中的重要作用,并积极开展对日本在野党的工作,从而推动日本执政党转变对华政策。     

试论对我国海外投资的外交保护

伴随着世界经济一体化的步伐加快,受我国"走出去"政策的推动,近年来我国的海外投资无论在金额上还是地域分布上均呈现方兴未艾的趋势,如何对海外投资进行有效保护随之成为理论界研究的热点问题之一.在双边投资保护协定大量存在并继续增加、多边投资保护协定不断出现并试图对国际投资保护有关事项进行全面规范的情况下,传统的外交保护方法是否仍能在国际投资保护中发挥作用?国际投资保护中外交保护的行使应具备哪些条件?其对我国的海外投资保护具有怎样的作用?围绕这些问题展开论述.     

Social Media Influence on Diplomatic Negotiation: Shifting the Shape of the Table

Social media is changing not only the atmosphere in which international negotiations take place; it is also changing the very substance of the deals. Because of the pace and proliferation of social media, negotiators must read “weak signals” early on—and anticipate a quickly organized, highly motivated opposition. However, diplomatic negotiators still lack the tools to engage in this sort of anticipatory strategy design. This article examines two recent cases, one involving the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and the other involving a German Constitutional Court’s ruling on the European Central Bank’s Public Debt Purchasing Program, in which social media had a highly disruptive, unanticipated impact on international negotiations—to the point of forcing negotiators’ hands—and suggests institutional remedies to better anticipate the catalytic impact of advancing technology on diplomatic interactions.     

试论邓小平的外交思想

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全球和合共生系统理论与中国周边命运共同体

全球和合共生系统理论是共生理论与系统理论相互融合而形成的全新框架体系,可以作为构建人类命运共同体和中国周边命运共同体的理论分析范式和理论依据。全球和合共生系统理论认为,世界上的一切事物都是一个大系统中的共生体,必须从全球的角度来构建命运共同体。国际体系各组成部分之间的关系是辩证的,即对立的统一。全球体系内部与中国周边体系内部的互相依赖既有积极的一面,又有消极的一面。积极的相互依存是指相互依存的双方都从关系中受益,而消极的相互依存是指任何一方对相互依存关系的破坏都可能给另一方甚至双方带来损失。构建中国周边命运共同体是全球共生体系高级阶段的目标。全球和合共生系统理论的相互依存论决定了优化中国周边体系以实现中国周边命运共同体的必要性。以相互尊重为前提,以公平正义为核心,以合作共赢为目标,应成为构建中国周边命运共同体的三个关键要素。我们应以此来推进构建新型国际关系,进而建立中国周边命运共同体。     

From ambiguity to contestation: discourse(s) of non-traditional security in the ASEAN community

‘Non-traditional security’ (NTS) is prominently featured in the agenda of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and other ASEAN-led institutions in the Asia-Pacific. ‘NTS’ brings together a series transnational and non-military security threats that are considered common among regional states, urgent for them to attend to, and non-sensitive all at the same time. This a priori makes it a self-evident focus of attempts to bring regional security cooperation ‘to a higher plane’. However, this paper reveals that the uncontroversial character of NTS is overestimated, by shedding light on the co-existence of divergent – and potentially contradictory – interpretations of its meaning and implications in ASEAN and the wider region. In a context where ASEAN's relevance to the pursuit of regional security is increasingly being measured against its (in)ability to provide a coherent approach to security challenges that affect the region, the contested nature of NTS has important implications for the grouping's resilience in the twenty-first century.     

我国收入分配差距过大的制度原因分析

制度安排是影响收入分配最本质的根源。我国城乡二元经济体制加剧了城市居民与农民的收入差距；经济体制转型期的制度缺陷造成了阶层收入差距的扩大；政策的倾斜形成了地区和行业收入的巨大差距。针对收入分配差距过大的现状，我们必须加快产权制度改革，推进政府职能转变，不断打破垄断，尽快建立健全完善的社会保障体系。     

The fate of the Assyrian minority in early independent Iraq: a test case of political violence based on rational primordialism

Analyzing ethno-national conflicts is usually not easy in that not all quantitative scientific tools are useful to the student of a conflict based on primordial elements. The burden of studying the outcome of a conflict is all the more complex given that the two conflicting groups might be at two different stages of their political development at any given time during the course of the conflict. In the case of the fate of the [Eastern Christian] Assyrian community in early independent Iraq, the political rationale for decisions taken by each party was drawn from different sociological, historical and political realms. Decisions in times of conflict and their political and historical ramifications are not always rational, since they draw upon primordial/communal considerations rather than the accurate reading of the overall true strategic scene.

The violence was an outcome of a combination of primordial differences and rational choice. The Iraqis sought to establish a new sovereign state with minimal disturbances from its Christian minority that they perceived as not belonging to the new nation. As for the Assyrians, they chose violence believing that at least some superpowers would support them. Historically, this rational decision based upon a primordial dispute turned out to be a mistake primarily because of lack of external support, weak internal cohesion of the group, and feeble leadership.     

中日邦交的恢复与日台“外交”关系的终结

本文从历史学实证研究的角度,考察中日恢复邦交与日台“断交”的基本过程,指出日台“建交”是冷战初期意识形态斗争加剧、中日关系被严重扭曲以及朝鲜战争热战之形势下的产物,对于一向讲求实际的日本民族来说不会过于长久;中日邦交的实现,凝聚了两国领导人的智慧与魄力,给中日两国带来的不仅是历史恩怨得到化解,更为重要的是实现了国家行为的双方受益。