Brexit and the British Constitution: Reflections on the Last Three years and the Next Fifty

The decision to leave the EU provoked the biggest constitutional crisis of recent British history. The referendum—a device for circumventing the parliamentary process—was followed by conflict between a minority government and a majority of MPs unwilling to leave the EU without satisfactory alternative arrangements. The courts, drawn into this conflict, upheld conventions that sustain the authority of Parliament and restrain the despotic power of ministers. The reaction of members of the current government was to take disreputable and anti-democratic positions against both the Speaker of the House of Commons and the courts. They now have a sufficient majority in Parliament to resume adherence to constitutional conventions and restore a political culture of debate and tolerance, but they show little sign of doing so, and there is a risk that they will do irreparable damage to the political culture that underpins democracy.     

社区老年高血压病患者的中医体质类型及相关危险因素分析

目的 探讨社区老年高血压病患者中医体质类型分布和相关危险因素，为高血压病的防治提供参考。方法 根据《中国高血压防治指南（2010）》，将5 582例社区老年志愿者分为高血压病组及非高血压病组。采用中医体质调查问卷，对其进行中医体质及危险因素分析。结果 5 582例老年人中，高血压病患者占55.2%，非高血压病者占44.8%；高血压病组平和质562例（18.2%），偏颇体质2 521例（81.8%），非高血压病组平和质467例（18.7%），其余共2 032例（81.3%）。进一步分析发现，高血压病组偏颇体质主要是痰湿质，非高血压病组偏颇体质主要是气虚质，两组之间体质分布差异具有统计学意义（P＜0.05）。Logistics回归分析结果显示：在高血压病与中医体质类型关系的模型中，痰湿质为独立危险因素；在高血压病与中医体质类型及相关因素关系的模型中，谷氨酸氨基转移酶（alanine transaminase, ALT）、痰湿质、同型半胱氨酸（homocysteine，Hcy）、血脂异常、年龄及血糖为危险因素。结论 本社区老年高血压病患者体质分布以偏颇体质多见，痰湿质、气虚质、阳虚质是较为常见的体质类型；ALT、痰湿质、Hcy、血脂异常、年龄及血糖是高血压病的危险因素。在社区慢性病管理中，根据不同中医体质类型制定相应的防治干预方案，积极调整偏颇体质，倡导健康的生活方式，加强对高血压病高危人群的干预，对社区老年高血压病的防治具有指导意义。     

Inter-parliamentary relations in the United Kingdom: devolution’s undiscovered country?

Since 1997, the United Kingdom’s territorial constitution has undergone an immense process of change and has resulted in the establishment of separate legislatures and governments for the peoples of Scotland, Wales and, when Stormont is operational, Northern Ireland. These changes have spawned a whole series of relationships between the institutions of the devolved UK, at executive, legislature and civil service levels. However, while intergovernmental relations has been the subject of repeated debate, there has been little attempt to document and examine the way in which the UK’s four legislatures interact with one another, post-devolution. To the extent that these interactions, otherwise known as inter-parliamentary relations (IPR), have been the subject of scrutiny, it has been largely to bemoan their modest state and/or to suggest that stronger, albeit occasionally rather unelaborated, mechanisms be established. This article seeks to correct this deficit and provide a first step towards a clearer understanding of IPR in the UK, post-devolution. The article breaks the different levels of IPR down into three main strands: (1) parliament-parliament, (2) committee-committee and (3) official-official, and suggests that the main interactions that take place at each of these levels. Following this audit, the article concludes by highlighting the role that shared policy competence (a field that is set to grow with the UK’s withdrawal from the European Union) has played in driving IPR in the UK, post-devolution, and suggests some steps that may be taken to enhance IPR in the future.     

通信权的宪法释义与审查框架--兼与杜强强、王锴、秦小建教授商榷

在"法院调取通话记录""交警查手机"等实践争议引导下,学者们借助基本权利限制的"保护范围—限制—限制的合宪性论证"的审查框架,推进了通信权的宪法释义。但将通话记录排除出通信权的保护范围,并不能有效解决实践难题,且因为过早窄化保护范围而会影响基本权利的保护效果。诉诸隐私权或者个人信息权的方案亦难以成立。应认识到《宪法》第40条存在因制宪者预见不足而产生的宪法漏洞。如果将"检查通信"理解为"示例性规定",则《宪法》第40条容有对通信权限制的其他可能性。在"通信内容"和"非内容的通信信息"分层构造下,可以建立起既能回应生活事实和实践争议,又能落实宪法严格保护目标的教义学体系和审查框架。基本权利个论的研究,有助于反思基本权利保护范围的"宽界定"或"窄界定",以及法律保留体系的普适性等基本权利总论问题。     

血尿酸水平与体质量、体质类型的相关性分析

目的 分析不同尿酸（uric acid,UA）水平人群的中医体质类型分布状况及相关危险因素。方法 选取4 844例体检对象，对其年龄、婚姻状况、收入水平、体质量、UA和中医体质类型进行分析。根据UA水平，将受检者分为正常UA组和高UA组，并对有统计学意义的因素进行二分类Logistic回归分析。结果 正常UA组与高UA组性别、婚姻状况、体质类型、体质量指数（body mass index, BMI）比较，差异有统计学意义（P<0.05）。Logistic回归分析结果显示，以正常UA组为对照组，气虚质、痰湿质、湿热质者发生高UA的危险度增高［气虚质：OR值为1.097（95% CI为0.885～1.006，P=0.015）；痰湿质：OR值为1.311（95% CI为1.007～1.708，P=0.045）；湿热质：OR值为1.037（95% CI为0.822～1.307，P=0.022）］。超重、肥胖人群相比正常体质量人群，发生高UA的危险性分别增加145.7%（OR值为2.457，95% CI为2.089～2.889，P=0.000）、317.4%（OR值为4.174，95% CI为3.376～5.162，P=0.000）。结论 痰湿质、气虚质、超重和肥胖是高UA血症的危险因素。     

罪量在阶层犯罪论体系中的地位

我国刑法典中充斥着大量表征行为及结果程度的词语，学者称之为“罪量”。任何犯罪构成理论都必须以法条为依托，理论上的犯罪构成体系需要为法典中每一元素在体系中的地位做出符合逻辑的安排与说明。引进德日阶层犯罪构成理论之后，为了让该理论更加契合于我国的刑法典，罪量在该体系中应重新定位于违法性阶层之中。其中一些罪量是犯罪成立的消极判断，可视为“违法阻却事由”，另一些则可借鉴“可罚的违法性”理论加以认识。     

South Korean views on Japan's constitutional reform under the Abe government

In this Special Section, this article reviews South Korean views on Japan's ‘peace’ Constitution and the Abe government's attempts at constitutional reform. It identifies three different understandings among South Korean academics on why Japan is escalating attempts to revise the Constitution under the Abe government. An in-depth analysis demonstrates that all three perspectives pay specific attention to Japan's constitutional reform in relation to security policy changes. However, they differ in assessing the impact of Japan's constitutional reform on South Korea as well as how South Korea should deal with such a change. A minority opinion considers Japan's ‘remilitarisation’ through constitutional revision as conducive to South Korean security interests by increasing deterrence against North Korea, whereas the dominant opinion is that any attempt to revise the Constitution could be in and of itself a potential threat to South Korea's security due to a lack of trust attributed to unresolved historical conflicts between Korea and Japan. However, all three approaches pay hardly any attention to the positive role of Japan's peace Constitution while Japan's peace Constitution might provide a regional peace model in Northeast Asia.     

To revise or not to revise: the ‘peace constitution’, pro-revision movement,and Japan's national identity

Why do conservative nationalists in Japan continuously seek to revise the constitution despite the past failures, and what is the likelihood of successful revision and its impact on Japan's norm of pacifism and its use of force? The article offers an analytical framework for the issue based on national pride and national security, and argues that the ‘revisionists’ seek to create a new national identity, one that infuses a greater sense of national pride among the public and enables the exercise of collective self-defense, thereby removing Japan's postwar psychological and institutional limitations on nationalism and military activities. The LDP's 2012 draft is most explicit and ambitious in this regard, with the current revision attempt under Abe having the highest chance of success since the 1950s. Successful revision would significantly expand Japan's security activities, particularly within the framework of the US–Japan Security Alliance, and entail the end of Japan's unique postwar institutionalized pacifism, although the norm of pacifism will linger on as a constitutional principle. For a smoother return to the international military scene, the Japanese government must distance itself from historical revisionism and utilize its enhanced military role to promote regional public goods rather than merely protecting its narrow national interests.     

论中国纳税人宪法权利的保护

权利与义务相对应是市场经济的基本法则。随着我国市场经济的发展,我们应该转变以前那种只重视征税而不注重保护纳税人权利的观念。纳税人的权利包括宪法和税法上的两个层次,当然宪法上纳税人的权利是税法上纳税人权利的基础,文章介绍了纳税人的宪法权利,我国纳税人宪法权利的缺失,以及保护完善纳税人宪法权利的对策:一是确立税收法定主义;二是实现税的相对公平;三是实现税的相对公开。     

宪法修改的程序性力量与程序机制

宪法修改既可以通过宪法修改程序进行，也可以通过宪法解释、宪法惯例和宪法判例的形式来改变宪法的一些规定或改变宪法条文的原有含义。人民的愿望和态度是导致宪法修改的最根本的程序性力量。各国根据自身政治文化传统、权力分配架构和社会结构状况对宪法修改权和修宪程序作出制度安排，以期充分汇集、表达人民的意志，达到防止不合理的修宪议案被通过和减少将来修改案实施困难的目的。宪法修改程序是宪法规范和社会关系互动的权威机制，必须体现宪法适应社会要求和不断自我完善的内在规律。我国宪法规定的修改程序存在不合理之处，应该采取必要的措施完善修完建议权和提案权的程序规范，增加议决程序的民主性。