浅探我国法律援助制度的科学发展

法律援助制度是我国保护“弱势群体”的最后也是最有力的救济手段,它的内涵以及它制定的最终目标都体现出“以人为本”、实现“可持续发展”这一主题。它在我国取得了迅速的发展,也在为“弱势群体”提供法律服务方面取得了显著成绩。但是目前,我国的法律援助工作仍面临着许多困难,存在着许多不足,本文主要探讨如何去加以科学的发展和完善。     

完善特大城市政务公开制度的对策研究

本文从理论和实践上对我国特大城市政务公开制度进行了梳理与探讨,认为完善政务公开制度有着深厚而且迫切的现实动因,并通过对近年来上海、北京、广州、深圳等特大城市推行政务公开的成效与存在问题的阐析,在思想、技术、法律及制度等层面上提出了一些对策建议,期望不仅能弥补我国政务公开制度研究中的某些缺失,也能对特大城市政务公开实践提供一些理论参考。     

透明度原则下的政务信息公开

WTO给我国政府提出了透明度要求,要求政府推行政务信息公开,建立、健全相关法律规章。针对当前我国政务信息公开中的传统思想观念、信息公开的主体、信息公开的法律制度和信息公开的权利与义务等方面存在的问题,借鉴和吸取国外有关政务信息公开的经验,构建适合我国国情的《信息公开法》是解决和保障政务信息顺利公开,充分实现WTO透明度原则的最有效的方式。     

新疆毒情分析及对策研究

新疆的毒品问题始于20世纪80年代中后期,经过十几年的发展、蔓延,吸毒人员大量增加,毒品案件成倍上升,“金新月”毒品对我渗透日趋严重,“三股势力”以毒养恐愈发明显,外流贩毒活动愈演愈烈,毒情更加严峻。今后一个时期,新疆受世界毒潮泛滥和国内短时期内毒害难以根除的双重影响,毒情有进一步加剧的可能。为此,要把禁毒工作提升到与打击“三股势力”同等重要的位置抓紧抓好,建立“三大机制”,完善“三库”网络,实现堵源截流,减少毒品危害。     

Turning Liberal: Legislators’ Individual Preferences and the Regulation of Pre‐Implantation Genetic Diagnosis in Switzerland

Most policy‐making decisions taken in parliamentary democracies are essentially matters of party competition. Yet, in some policies, the linkage function of political parties is limited by purpose, which is frequently the case in free votes with a morality dimension. This has led to a debate in the literature on the determinants of Legislators’ preferences in free votes. The present research note adds to this debate by analyzing the parliamentary procedure to regulate pre‐implantation genetic diagnosis (PGD ) in Switzerland. By assessing whether and to what degree MP s based their decision on their personal characteristics and on the preferences of their constituents, the contribution shows that not only are MP s’ voting decisions determined by these individual level factors, but also that these factors have detectable effects on the legislative outcome.     

存真求实 去伪辟谬——试谈回忆录的鉴别

回忆录不仅能够弥补文献记载的不足,而且还能提供更为丰富的素材和生动的细节,甚至能订正文献记载的讹误.大体而言,回忆录的失真有两种情况:有意作伪和无意失真.鉴别回忆录的最高准则是尊重事实,在阅读和研究过程中必须存真求实,去伪辟谬.     

我国文物修复成果的独创性分析与保护模式研究

文物修复引发的著作权纠纷实质是修复主体利益与公共利益之间的矛盾,其核心问题在于判断修复成果是否具备独创性。借助独创性层次理论可以科学建构作品的概念,却得出文物修复成果不可认定为作品的结论,引发狭义著作权难以保护文物修复成果与修复方智力劳动之困境。尝试借鉴我国台湾地区版权的立法制度可以解决这一问题,分析引入制版权的正当性,从词义、制版权建构的法律关系等角度考察,可将其纳入邻接权保护体系。     

以全争于天下——试析孙子的强国思想

从政治思想层面去解读《孙子兵法》,它无疑是一部深刻说明如何"强国"的纲领性著作,其核心是"全争"的战略思想,"争"的直接目的是取"胜"。孙子强调"知胜"、"能为胜败之政"、"奇胜"、"胜可为"、"胜可全"。孙子"全争"的思想具有强大的生命力。     

现代大学治理结构：真实命题及中国语境

大学治理结构的真实命题包括多重涵义:回应"冲突和多元利益"的治理需要,建构能够体现利益相关者组织属性和委托代理关系特点的决策权结构;大学自身不是完整意义上的办学利益主体,其"组织剩余"是由社会利益来决定的公共价值,每一种利益相关者都不应单独地对大学行使控制权;大学治理结构是比管理结构更为基础的制度结构,其根本目的是建立大学决策过程与社会权利主体的合理联系,实现社会价值平衡。大学治理结构的中国语境是:办学体制的变化为政府与高校建立具有委托代理性质的契约关系提供了法律依据和操作空间;管理体制的变化使大学决策责任骤然加重、决策权处于高度集中状态,风险也随之出现;办学经费筹资结构的变化表明大学的社会基础日益广泛化,其利益相关者组织的属性正从模糊走向清晰。我国大学已跨越前治理时期,但向治理阶段迈进必须依靠上层政治权威的推动,才可能突破"制度锁定状态",破解历史性难题。     

Theoretically,yes, but also empirically? How the corruption-turnout link is marginally explained by civic duty to vote

Corruption is generally associated with low electoral participation. A recurrent explanation of the negative correlation between corruption and electoral turnout involves the rational calculus of the costs and benefits of voting. More specifically, in a context of high corruption, citizens do not vote because they think that doing so will hardly affect policy decisions. A number of influential studies has argued that corruption affects citizens' electoral engagement in a different and more fundamental way as well: It erodes their sense of civic duty to vote in elections. Yet, a relation between corruption and civic duty and a mediation effect of the attitude remains empirically untested. This article examines empirically whether perceived corruption and sense of civic duty are correlated, as well as whether civic duty mediates the relation between perceived corruption and turnout. It does so with the pooled Making Electoral Democracy Work data, as these data contain measures on individuals’ sense of civic duty to vote in four election levels, namely, national, regional, European, and municipal elections, as well as on their perception of corruption in each of these government levels, and on their participation in these four election levels as well. I find a weak relation between perceived corruption and civic duty, and a low mediation effect of the attitude (compared with rational factors), irrespective of the election level.