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1.
Understanding what stimulates agribusiness firms to lobby the government and what makes the government responsive to lobbying are the two issues that have been discussed extensively in the debates concerning determinants of biotechnology policy. This paper examines the factors influencing agribusiness firms' lobbying and government response using econometric modeling on a new data set of 160 leading agribusiness firms in the food, feed, chemical, and seed industries in China. The results show that approximately 10% of agribusiness firms lobbied the government about biotechnology policy and regulations and over half of those that lobbied received a verbal or written acknowledgment from government agencies. Seed and feed companies are more likely to engage in lobbying than chemical companies. Owning GM patents not only has a positive impact on firms' lobbying activities, but firms with these patents are more likely to receive a government response to their lobbying efforts. The experience of selling GM products does not significantly influence lobbying activities or response from the government. 相似文献
2.
砂拉越位于婆罗洲,原为文莱属地,1841年白人拉惹政权建立后,大批华人在其招垦下移入砂拉越。在华文教育萌芽的初期,白人拉惹对其取自由放任的态度,直至20世纪20年代,因华人社会中的政治运动及海外华侨民族主义在各个华文学校的发展,才颁布学校注册法令,开始干涉砂拉越地区的华文教育。二战后,白人拉惹将砂拉越让渡给英国,新成立的殖民地政府急于统合境内各族群对砂拉越的认同,遂推动以英语为教学媒介语的国家教育制度,迫使砂拉越华文中等学校在改制成以英语授课的学校或独立中学之间做出选择。为保存族群母语教育,为华族子弟接受母语教育提供机会,在古晋地区创立的中华第一中学,决定成为一间华文独立中学。这间华文独立中学至今仍有千名以上学生,其校园中充满华族文化气息。本文对古晋中华第一中学的创立、发展、经营作一个案研究,期盼对吾人进一步了解战后砂拉越华族社会族群语言的维护及文化的传承有所助益。 相似文献
3.
Members of parliament are key actors for the implementation of energy transitions, such as phasing out nuclear power. Before legislators can cast their maybe decisive vote in parliament, they need to run for office and actively strive for election. This paper assesses what political candidates oppose renewable energy transitions and questions whether the energy issue matters in national elections, and thus has consequences for the implementation of new sustainable energy sources. We analyze these questions by first describing the specific characteristics of political candidates. The paper then evaluates the relevance of the energy issue for electoral success in three national elections in Switzerland (2007, 2012, and 2015). Based on candidate data from the voting advice application smartvote.ch, we find that female candidates support ETs more than men do; that especially the French‐speaking part of the country is more in favor of a nuclear phase‐out, and that younger candidates are also more open toward restructuring the energy system than older candidates are. Our models further show that the energy issue does not matter in elections, independently from its salience in the respective election campaigns. Candidates are thus relatively free to choose their position on the issue and do not have to fear consequences at the ballot. However, candidates of center parties, in contrast to the pole parties, are sensitive to the energy issue and reflect public mood in their positions. 相似文献
4.
Katō Norihiro 《Japan Forum》2020,32(3):318-337
AbstractThis article investigates a problem that has been underexamined in Murakami scholarship so far, namely what I will call tatemashi (stacking), a method of novel-writing which Murakami Haruki used twice in his career, first in Nejimakidori Kuronikuru and later in 1Q84. In both cases, Murakami first published a shorter, two-volume version, but later stacked up the novel with a third volume. This article studies the various problems surrounding this writing method. I suggest that edits during the translation process of the two novels into English have made it impossible to detect why tatemashi was carried out. By studying the Japanese versions, I identify that a main reason for tatemashi to happen is the thrust of a storyline that calls for the development of a ‘smaller-scale’ story of personal self-discovery into a ‘larger-scale’ tale of commitment to an ‘other’. 相似文献
5.
目的研究大鼠骨骼肌挫伤后M1/M2型巨噬细胞浸润的动态变化规律结合组织学改变建立损伤时间推断方法。方法建立大鼠骨骼肌挫伤模型,挫伤后6h、12h、24h、36h、48h、60h、72h、96h、144h、216h、336h为实验组,对照组不进行任何处理。采用HE染色法和免疫荧光多重染色方法观察骨骼肌挫伤后修复规律,运用全景组织细胞定量分析系统检测损伤区内单位面积细胞核数量、M1及M2型巨噬细胞数量和比例变化规律并建立与损伤时间的关系。结果在0.5mm×0.5mm范围内,M1型巨噬细胞比例在0.05±0.02~0.18±0.12且M2型巨噬细胞比例在0.02±0.01~0.04±0.02范围内时,推断该组织的损伤时间为伤后6h~48h;M1型巨噬细胞比例0.22±0.02且M2型巨噬细胞比例在0.09±0.02范围内时,推断该组织的损伤时间为损伤后60h;M1型巨噬细胞比例0.1±0.02且M2型巨噬细胞比例在0.16±0.07范围内时,推断该组织的损伤时间为损伤后144h;M1型巨噬细胞比例0.05±0.01~0.09±0.02且M2型巨噬细胞比例在0.07±0.02~0.09±0.01范围内时,推断该组织的损伤时间为损伤后216h~336h。结论大鼠挫伤骨骼肌中M1/M2型巨噬细胞时间相关性表达规律可作为损伤时间推断的新依据,结合病理组织学改变可进一步提高损伤时间推断的准确性。 相似文献
6.
Gonzalo Ordez‐Matamoros Michelle Vernot‐Lpez Ornella Moreno‐Mattar Luis Antonio Orozco 《政策研究评论》2020,37(2):174-200
International research collaboration (IRC) is associated with both positive and negative effects on the performance of research in emerging economies. While some authors claim that North–South collaborations improve scientific quality and visibility for Southern countries, others claim that it may entail the reorientation of research to comply with Northern agendas. South–South collaborations are thought to increase the focus on local affairs, therefore leading to a relatively small number of scientific international publications appearing in “high quality” journals. Research on the impact of IRC beyond publications in international journals has been neglected despite the importance of other products in knowledge creation. This research uses a broad range of scientific outputs to empirically assess such assumptions and explore the outcomes of IRC in Colombia. Results from multivariate regressions and nonparametric analyses show that, contrary to common assumptions, Colombian research teams collaborating with partners from the global South report higher scientific production, while those collaborating with Northern countries seem to contribute to local knowledge the most. 相似文献
7.
8.
《政策研究评论》2018,35(4):617-641
Research on regulation has traditionally focused on studying the delegation of regulatory competencies from political principals to an independent regulatory agency. In this article, we argue that this delegation is nuanced by different factors that affect whether a specific regulatory decision is formally delegated. We examine and explain formal delegation patterns at the level of individual regulatory decisions in twelve countries located in Europe, Latin America, and South Asia. The data were gathered by coding the twelve countries' telecommunications legislation. The data analysis was undertaken using a classification tree model—a nonparametric model. We found that the maturity of the market has the greatest effect on the formal delegation of regulatory decisions, but this effect is also influenced by the other theoretical factors considered, particularly the level of political constraints and the type of regulation. 相似文献
9.
《政策研究评论》2018,35(1):170-188
The flow of attention in the policy process is dynamic and disruptive. While we know changes in issue attention often result in policy change, the causal mechanisms underlying the different stages of the attention allocation process remain unclear. This article uses Punctuated Equilibrium Theory to examine an underdeveloped aspect of issue attention within policy‐making institutions: how specific policy indicators influence the entry and exit of issues on policy‐making agendas. Partisan issue attention in the House of Representatives is used to analyze a significant change to U.S. offshore oil and natural gas drilling policy in 2008. The results highlight how historically high gasoline prices precipitated a shift in attention to offshore drilling and subsequent policy change. Moreover, gasoline prices Granger‐cause attention to energy policy in partisan speeches over time. The analysis further reveals how competing policy frames and a salient focusing event shaped congressional and public discourse, leading to subsequent changes in attention. Taken together, the findings broaden our understanding of the policy process by identifying the specific forces behind the entry and exit of issues on the policy‐making agenda. 相似文献
10.
Biao Zhang 《Third world quarterly》2019,40(8):1459-1478
AbstractMost of the literature on state transformation focuses on China’s relations with African, Asian and Latin American countries and the National Oil Companies’ overseas expansion to show that China has become fragmented, decentralised and internationalised. This article contributes novel findings by focusing on China’s relations with Europe and the actions of China’s National Nuclear Companies (NNCs). It shows that NNCs, which have become relatively autonomous actors, often pursue their agendas of expansion into Europe without much coordination with, or even in contradiction to, other ministries’ agendas and interests, especially the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Instead of being orchestrated by the central government, their expansion reflects considerable disorganisation and sometimes undermines China’s official strategy. The article demonstrates this through case studies of NNCs’ involvement in the UK and Romania. 相似文献